---
title: "金剛新眼疏經偈合釋 · 五唐玄奘法師譯"
description: "清代通理法师所著《金剛新眼疏經偈合釋》是阐释《金刚经》的重要注疏。该书成书于清代佛教义学复兴背景下，融合了唯识与中观思想，以科判方式系统分解经文结构，并辅以偈颂概括主旨。其内容兼具理论深度与实修指导，在佛教史上被视为研习《金刚经》的重要参考，尤其对禅宗与教下宗派均有深远影响，是清代以来弘扬般若思想的代表性著作之一。"
url: "https://rushiwowen.co/en/r/cmcy6ju3t0oksl404pame06vm"
---

### 五、唐玄奘法師譯

> Five: Translated by Master Xuanzang of the Tang Dynasty

大唐李氏都長安，自高祖武德元年至開元十八年，兼天后代，凡一百一十三載，譯經緇素三十七人，唯玄奘為最。玄奘本名褘，俗姓陳氏，陳留人也，漢太邱長陳仲弓之後。曾祖欽，後魏上黨太守。祖康，北齊國子博士，食邑周南，子孫因家又為緱氏縣人也。父惠，英潔有雅操，隋大業中，拜江陵令，解纓而返。有四男，奘最小。其次兄長捷，先出家，住東都淨土寺，以奘少罹窮酷，攜以獎之。十一歲，得度出家。其後隋氏失御，天下沸騰，昆季相𢹂，屆於京邑，住莊嚴寺。洎唐武德元年，國基草創，兵甲尚興，京城未有講肆，又從兄入蜀，歷席聽講。年滿二十，即於成都受具。自後徧參諸方，咸罄其旨。乃自惟曰：余周流吳、蜀，爰逮趙、魏，未及周、秦，遇有講筵，率皆登踐。雖已布之言，蘊積胸襟；而未吐之詞，解籤無地。若不輕生狥命，誓往華胥，焉能具覿成言，用通神解？於是於貞觀三年，奮志西征，遠歷多國，誠重勞輕，履險若夷。既達印土，無倦諮籌，師承戒賢，論制惡見，印土學人，咸仰盛德。討論一十七周，遊覽百有餘國。當此土貞觀十九年正月二十四日，還屆京師，見帝於洛陽宮，談敘真俗，無爽帝旨。帝曰：自師行後，朕奉為穆太后於西京造弘福寺，將來梵本，可就翻譯。既承明命，遂返西京，廣集碩學名德沙門靈潤等五十餘人，即於是年五月，開演梵文，翻譯大菩薩藏等經論。自是翻譯無輟，訖於麟德元年，總出大小乘經律論等七十五部，一千三百三十五卷。所譯此經，名能斷金剛般若波羅蜜，與秦本起問相似。一問云何應住，二問云何修行，三問云何攝心。葢攝之與降，皆治伏義，但多中閒一問。又秦本唯說四相，此說八想，謂有情想、命者想、士夫想、補特伽羅想、意生想、摩納婆想、作者想、受者想。葢相即所想，但四八開合稍異。又秦本言如來者，即諸法如義。而此言如來者，即是真實真如增語，即是無生法性增語，即是永斷道路增語，即是畢竟不生增語。其與秦本答問不同，亦同魏本。而色見聲求，偈亦八句，偈後加文，亦與陳本小異。後偈九喻，亦同魏本。餘皆大同秦本。但浮演之文過多，似未若什本直捷，令人樂讀耳。

> During the Tang Dynasty, the Li family ruled from Chang'an. From the first year of Emperor Gaozu's Wude era to the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era, including the reign of Empress Wu, a total of 113 years, thirty-seven monks and lay scholars translated scriptures, with Xuanzang being the most prominent. Xuanzang's original name was Yi, and his lay surname was Chen. He was from Chenliu and was a descendant of Chen Zhonggong, a senior official of the Han Dynasty. His great-grandfather, Qin, served as the governor of Shangdang during the Later Wei. His grandfather, Kang, was a scholar at the Imperial Academy during the Northern Qi Dynasty and was granted a fief in Zhounan, so his descendants settled in Gou County. His father, Hui, was intelligent, pure, and dignified. During the Sui Dynasty's Daye era, he was appointed magistrate of Jiangling but later resigned and returned home. He had four sons, with Xuanzang being the youngest. His second elder brother, Changjie, had already become a monk and resided at Jingtu Temple in the Eastern Capital. Seeing that Xuanzang had suffered hardship from a young age, he took him under his care and encouraged him. At the age of eleven, Xuanzang was ordained as a monk. Later, when the Sui Dynasty fell and the empire was in turmoil, Xuanzang and his brother traveled together to the capital and stayed at Zhuangyan Temple. By the first year of the Tang Dynasty's Wude era, the nation was newly established, and military conflicts were still ongoing. With no lectures on Buddhist scriptures available in the capital, Xuanzang followed his brother to Shu (Sichuan), attending lectures wherever he went. At the age of twenty, he received full ordination in Chengdu. Afterward, he traveled extensively, seeking teachings from various masters and fully comprehending their doctrines. He reflected to himself: "I have traveled through Wu, Shu, Zhao, and Wei, but I have not yet visited Zhou and Qin. Whenever I encountered lectures, I attended them. Although I have absorbed many teachings, there are still unresolved questions in my mind. If I do not risk my life and vow to journey to India, how can I access the complete teachings and attain profound understanding?" Thus, in the third year of the Zhenguan era, he resolutely embarked on a journey westward. He traveled through many distant lands, enduring hardships with unwavering determination, facing dangers as if they were smooth paths. Upon reaching India, he tirelessly sought teachings and guidance. He studied under the master Jiexian, engaged in debates to refute wrong views, and earned the admiration of Indian scholars for his virtue. He spent seventeen years in discussion and traveled through over a hundred countries. On the twenty-fourth day of the first month in the nineteenth year of the Zhenguan era, he returned to the capital and met the emperor at Luoyang Palace. They discussed both worldly and spiritual matters, and his words resonated deeply with the emperor. The emperor said, "After your departure, I had the Hongfu Temple built in the Western Capital in honor of Empress Dowager Mu. You may use it for translating the Sanskrit scriptures you have brought back." Following the emperor's command, Xuanzang returned to the Western Capital and gathered over fifty eminent monks and scholars, including Lingrun. In the fifth month of that year, he began translating Sanskrit texts, starting with the \*Mahayana Sutra of the Great Store of Bodhisattvas\*. From then on, his translation work continued uninterrupted until the first year of the Linde era. In total, he translated seventy-five texts from the Mahayana and Hinayana canons, comprising 1,335 volumes. Among these translations is the \*Diamond Sutra\*, which resembles the Qin version in its structure. It addresses three questions: how to abide, how to practice, and how to subdue the mind. The terms "subdue" and "control" both convey the idea of mastery, though the Qin version includes an additional question. Furthermore, while the Qin version speaks of four marks, this version discusses eight notions: the notion of a being, the notion of a life, the notion of a person, the notion of an individual, the notion of a mind-born being, the notion of a youth, the notion of a doer, and the notion of an experiencer. These notions correspond to the marks, differing only in their division into four or eight. Additionally, the Qin version states, "The Tathagata is the suchness of all dharmas," while this version says, "The Tathagata is an expression of true suchness, an expression of the unborn nature of dharmas, an expression of the path of eternal cessation, an expression of ultimate non-arising." The questions and answers differ from the Qin version but align with the Wei version. The verses on seeking the Tathagata through form and sound consist of eight lines, with additional text following the verses, slightly differing from the Chen version. The later verses with nine metaphors also match the Wei version. In other respects, it is largely similar to the Qin version. However, the text is more elaborate and verbose, lacking the directness and readability of Kumarajiva's translation.