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  1. A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, with Annotations (洛陽伽藍記校釋)
  2. Volume 1 (第一)
  3. Original Preface (原序)
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A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, with Annotations (洛陽伽藍記校釋)


洛陽伽藍記序

Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang: Preface

魏撫軍府司馬楊衒之撰(逸史本漢魏本魏字上有後字,乃後人所增。)

Yang Xuanzhi, Military Affairs Officer of the Wei Pacification Army, compiled this work.<note>In the Yishi and Han-Wei

(案歷代三寶記卷九云:「洛陽地伽藍記五卷,期城郡太守楊衒之撰。」大唐內典錄卷四亦作「期城郡守」。又續高僧傳卷一菩提流支傳云:「期城郡守楊衒之撰洛陽伽藍記五卷。」法苑珠林卷一百傳記篇雜集部云:「洛陽地伽藍記一部五卷,元魏鄴都期城郡守楊衒之撰。」並與今本署銜不同。考楊衒之魏書北史無傳,廣弘明集卷六云:「陽衒之,北平人,元魏末為秘書監。見寺宇壯麗,損費金碧,王公相競侵漁百姓,乃撰洛陽伽藍記,言不恤眾庶也。」據是可知衒之為北平人。其姓書作陽,又與歷代三寶記等及本書不合。考北朝以文學通顯者皆北平陽氏,如陽尼、陽固並是。至於楊氏,則未之見。魏書卷七十二陽尼傳云:「尼字景文,北平無終人。從孫固,字敬安,有三子,長休之,休之弟詮之,字子衡。」北史卷四十七稱固有五子,長休之,休之弟綝之,次俊之。此皆以之字為名,頗疑衒之姓陽,且與休之同行輩。復考北齊書卷四十二陽休之傳云:「休之,字子烈,魏孝莊帝立,解褐員外散騎侍郎」;而本書卷一云:「永安中莊帝馬射於華林園,衒之時為奉朝請」;以史稱休之卒於隋開皇二年,年七十四推之,莊帝永安元年休之釋褐為員外散騎侍郎,時年二十一,是時衒之方為奉朝請,蓋亦初登仕版,年方弱冠者,則其與休之為同輩,益可信矣。至如劉知幾史通補註篇作羊衒之者,羊為泰山姓氏,望非北平,當為傳寫之誤。衒之之事跡可考者至少,其仕履可知者有四:曰奉朝請,曰撫軍府司馬,曰秘書監,曰期城郡太守。故嚴可均全北齊文楊衒之下云:「魏末為撫軍府司馬,歷秘書監,出為期城太守。」期城郡者,魏孝昌中置,在今河南泌陽縣西北。衒之生卒年不詳。此序有「至武定五年,歲在丁卯,余因行役,重覽洛陽」之語,是卒於武定五年以後。而嚴氏稱「齊天保中卒于官」,則不知所據矣。又廣弘明集復稱衒之既撰此記,「後上書述釋教虛誕,有為徒費,無執戈以衛國,有飢寒於色養,逃役之流,僕隸之類,避苦就樂,非修道者。又佛言有為虛妄,皆是妄想,道人深知佛理,故違虛其罪。啟又廣引財事乞貸,貪積無厭。又云讀佛經者,尊同帝王,寫佛畫師,全無恭敬。請沙門,等同孔老拜俗。班之國史,行多浮險者,乞立嚴敕,知其真偽。然後佛法可遵,師徒無濫;則逃兵之徒,還歸本役,國富兵多,天下幸甚。」此鑒於當時佛教污穢雜亂,禍國殃民,故發崇有黜邪之論。廣弘明集以其多排斥佛法之言,故列於王臣滯惑篇。然讀衒之是書者,不可不知其言行也。惜其全文已佚,不可復覩矣。)

The "Record of the Three Treasures Through the Ages," Volume 9, states: "The 'Record of the Temples of Luoyang' in five volumes was compiled by Yang Xuanzhi, Governor of Qicheng Commandery." The "Inner Canon Catalog of the Great Tang," Volume 4, also records him as "Governor of Qicheng Commandery." Additionally, the "Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks," Volume 1, in the biography of Bodhiruci, notes: "Yang Xuanzhi, Governor of Qicheng Commandery, compiled the 'Record of the Temples of Luoyang' in five volumes." The "Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma," Volume 100, in the section on miscellaneous collections of biographies, says: "The 'Record of the Temples of Luoyang,' one work in five volumes, was compiled by Yang Xuanzhi, Governor of Qicheng Commandery of the Northern Wei's Yedu." These records differ from the official titles found in the current edition.

Examining historical sources, Yang Xuanzhi has no biography in the "Book of Wei" or the "History of the Northern Dynasties." The "Expanded Hongming Collection," Volume 6, states: "Yang Xuanzhi, a native of Beiping, served as the Director of the Palace Library in the late Northern Wei. Seeing the extravagant and wasteful construction of temples, which drained resources and harmed the people, he compiled the 'Record of the Temples of Luoyang' to criticize the disregard for the common people." From this, it is known that Xuanzhi was from Beiping. However, his surname is recorded as Yang (陽) here, which conflicts with the "Record of the Three Treasures Through the Ages" and other sources, as well as the current edition of the work.

In the Northern Dynasties, those who achieved prominence through literature were often from the Yang (陽) clan of Beiping, such as Yang Ni and Yang Gu. As for the Yang (楊) clan, no such records exist. The "Book of Wei," Volume 72, biography of Yang Ni, states: "Ni, styled Jingwen, was from Wuzhong, Beiping. His descendant Yang Gu, styled Jing'an, had three sons: the eldest, Yang Xiuzhi, and his younger brother, Yang Quanzhi, styled Ziheng." The "History of the Northern Dynasties," Volume 47, records that Yang Gu had five sons: the eldest, Yang Xiuzhi, and his younger brothers, Yang Linzhi and Yang Junzhi. All these names end with the character "zhi" (之), suggesting that Xuanzhi likely shared the surname Yang (陽) and was of the same generation as Xiuzhi.

Further examination of the "Book of Northern Qi," Volume 42, biography of Yang Xiuzhi, notes: "Xiuzhi, styled Zilie, began his official career as a Gentleman Cavalier Attendant during the reign of Emperor Xiaozhuang of Wei." Meanwhile, the current work, Volume 1, states: "During the Yong'an era, Emperor Zhuang conducted an archery display at Hualin Garden, and Xuanzhi was then serving as a Court Gentleman." Historical records indicate that Xiuzhi died in the second year of the Sui dynasty's Kaihuang era at the age of 74. Calculating from this, in the first year of Emperor Zhuang's Yong'an era, when Xiuzhi began his career as a Gentleman Cavalier Attendant at age 21, Xuanzhi was serving as a Court Gentleman, likely just starting his official career and around twenty years old. This further supports the likelihood that Xuanzhi and Xiuzhi were of the same generation.

As for Liu Zhiji's "Generalities on History," which records him as Yang (羊) Xuanzhi, the Yang (羊) surname belongs to the Tai Mountain region, not Beiping, and is likely a transcription error.

Little is known of Xuanzhi's life, but his official positions can be traced to four roles: Court Gentleman, Army Supervisor's Assistant, Director of the Palace Library, and Governor of Qicheng Commandery. Thus, Yan Kejun, in his "Complete Works of the Northern Qi," entry on Yang Xuanzhi, states: "In the late Wei, he served as Army Supervisor's Assistant, later as Director of the Palace Library, and was appointed Governor of Qicheng Commandery." Qicheng Commandery was established during the Xiaochang era of Wei and was located northwest of present-day Biyang County, Henan.

Xuanzhi's birth and death dates are unknown. The preface to this work mentions, "In the fifth year of Wuding, the year of Dingmao, I revisited Luoyang while on official duties," indicating that he died after the fifth year of Wuding. Yan Kejun's claim that "he died in office during the Tianbao era of Qi" lacks a clear source.

Additionally, the "Expanded Hongming Collection" notes that after compiling this record, Xuanzhi submitted a memorial criticizing Buddhism as deceptive and wasteful. He argued that monks did not defend the country, neglected their families, and attracted fugitives and slaves seeking an easier life, rather than true practitioners. He also pointed out contradictions in Buddhist teachings and criticized the excessive accumulation of wealth by temples. Furthermore, he lamented that Buddhist scriptures were revered like imperial edicts, while artists who painted Buddhist images received no respect. He proposed that monks should bow to Confucian and Daoist masters and that their conduct should be recorded in national histories to expose hypocrisy. He called for strict regulations to distinguish genuine practitioners from frauds, so that deserters would return to their duties, enriching the state and strengthening the military—a great benefit to the nation. These criticisms were directed at the corruption and harm caused by Buddhism at the time, advocating for the restoration of order and the rejection of falsehoods. The "Expanded Hongming Collection" included his writings in the section on "Deluded Officials" due to their strong opposition to Buddhism. However, readers of Xuanzhi's work should be aware of his views and actions. Unfortunately, the full text of his memorial is lost and cannot be reviewed.

三墳五典之說,(說,歷代三寶記卷九引作記,非。)九流百氏之言,(百氏,各本作百代,誤,九流百氏指諸子百家而言。今依三寶記及大唐內典錄卷四、續高僧傳卷一菩提流支傳引改。)並理在人區,(人,吳若準集證本作寰,非。)而義兼天外。(兼,內典錄、續僧傳作非。外,集證本作下。案衒之此語與後漢書西域傳論「神迹詭異,則理絕人區;感驗明顯,則事出天外」;用字相同。天外者,寰宇之外也。)至於一乘二諦之原,(原,三寶記、內典錄並作源,原源字通。水本曰原也。續僧傳作言,涉上文而誤。○一乘者,猶言一法也。廣弘明集卷十五沈約佛記序云:「廓不二之法門,廣一乘之長陌。」乘者,運載為義。法門名義集云:「能運眾生從因至果,故名為乘。」又云:「二諦:一者世諦,亦名俗諦;二者第一義諦,亦名真諦。謂緣法不目,名用萬差,別言顯相,皆是世諦。第一義諦:真妄平等,垢淨不二,凡是無實無相無詮,皆是第一義諦所攝。出世聖人,乃證斯理,最實無比,故言第一義諦。諸佛說法是依二諦,共表一法,不相違反。」又釋神清北山錄卷二真俗符云:「會極捐情之謂真,起微涉動之謂俗。真也者,性空也。俗也者,假有也。」翻譯名義集第五十九篇云:「佛事門中不捨一法,勸臣以忠,勸子以孝,勸國以治,勸家以和,此依俗諦也。真諦彰本寂之理,一性泯然,是非雙泯,能所俱亡,指萬象為真如,會三乘歸實際,此依真諦也。」)三明六通之旨,(三寶記、內典錄、續僧傳並作六通三達之旨,其義相同。維摩經云:「佛身即法身也,從六通生,從三明生。」法門名義集云:「三明:過去宿命明,未來天眼明,現在漏盡明。」案漏者,浸漬於內,放逸失道之義也。又釋六通曰:「一身通,二天眼通,三天耳通,四他心通,五宿命通,六漏盡通。」案通者,離壅無礙之謂也。六通亦名六神通,見翻譯名義集第一篇。三明亦名三達,佛說菩薩本行經卷上云「六通三達成一切智」是也。)西域備詳,東土靡記。(上言三墳五典之說,諸子百家之言,行於中土;而一乘二諦、三明六通之言,獨發自彼域也。)自項日感夢,(項,各本作頂,此依三寶記、內典錄改。)滿月流光,陽門飾豪眉之象,(豪,逸史本作毫,三寶記、內典錄同。)夜臺圖紺髮之形,(夜臺,三寶記、續僧傳同,惟內典錄作涼臺。○此述自漢明帝感夢,佛教始至中土也。牟子理惑論云:「昔孝明帝夢見金人,身有日光,飛在殿前,欣然悅之。明日博問羣臣,此為何神?有通人傅毅曰:臣聞天竺有得道者,號曰佛,飛行虛空,身有日光,殆將其神也。於是上寤。遣中郎蔡愔、羽林郎中秦景、博士弟子王遵等十八人於大月支寫佛經四十二章,藏在蘭臺石室第十四間。時於洛陽城西雍門外起佛寺,於其壁畫千乘萬騎繞塔三匝。又於南宮清涼臺及開陽門上作佛像。明帝時豫修造壽陵,曰顯節,亦於其上作佛圖像。時國豐民寧,遠夷慕義,學者由此而滋。」(見弘明集卷一)漢法本內傳亦云:「明帝永平三年,上夢神人,金身丈六,項有日光」云云。(見廣弘明集卷一及弘決外典抄卷一引)即其事也。○夜臺,即長夜臺,指明帝之壽陵而言。內典錄作涼臺,則謂清涼臺,義有不同。項日、滿月、毫眉、紺髮皆如來之色相。大善權經云:「白淨王嚴駕白象,往詣阿夷頭,道人披㲲相太子,見三十二相,軀體金色,頂有肉髻,其髮紺青,眉間白毫,項出日光。」是也。(瑞應本起經同)滿月,見修行本起經卷上,言佛之顏容,皎潔光淨,如滿月也。魏溫子昇大覺寺碑言佛「顏如滿月,心若盈泉」。(見藝文類聚卷七十七)又唐釋法琳辯正論卷六云:「夫法身等於如如,無方理絕稱謂。化體由乎應物,妙質可涉名言?故有白毫紺睫之輝,果脣花目之麗,萬字千輻之相,日輪月彩之殊。自像法東被,正化南移,夕夢金人,河浮玉馬。清臺之下,覩滿月之容,雍門之外,觀相輪之影。」並與本文相發。)邇來奔競,(邇原作爾,誤。逸史本作邇,與三寶記、內典錄合。)其風遂廣。(釋法琳破邪論卷下云:「及慈雲卷潤,慧日收光,迺夢金人於永平之年,覩舍利於赤烏之歲。於是漢魏齊梁之政,像教勃興;燕秦晉宋已來,名僧間出。」)至於晉室永嘉,(各本作至晉永嘉,此依三寶記、內典錄。)唯有寺四十二所。(亦見魏書釋老志。)逮皇魏受圖,(受圖,謂受天命也。後漢書班固傳東都賦「於是聖皇乃握乾符,闡坤珍,披皇圖,稽帝文」,李賢注曰:「乾符坤珍,謂天地符瑞也。皇圖帝文,謂圖緯之文也。」又張衡傳東京賦云:「高祖膺籙受圖,順天行誅。」文選卷二十應貞晉武帝華林園集詩云:「五德更運,膺籙受符。」義同。)光宅嵩洛,(光者,大也。左氏昭公二十八年傳「光有天下」,班固東都賦「光漢京于諸夏」,是也。宅者,居也。嵩,嵩高山也。文選卷十六潘岳懷舊賦李善注引戴延之西征記曰:「嵩高,中丘也。東謂太室,西謂少室,總名嵩高也。」又引河南郡圖經曰:「嵩丘,在縣西南十五里。」)篤信彌繁,法教愈盛。(詳見魏書釋老志。)王侯貴臣,棄象馬如脫屣;(此謂多施與也。往者太子須大拏曾以白象車馬布施他人,見太子須大拏經,故曰棄象馬如脫屣。屣,履也。如脫屣言其至為輕易也。)庶士豪家,捨資財若遺跡。(文選古詩十九首云:「不念攜手好,棄我如遺跡。」)於是招提櫛比,(招原作昭,誤,別本均作招。續僧傳卷十二達摩笈多傳云:「招提者,正音云招鬪提奢,此云四方,謂處所為四方眾僧之所依住也。世依字解:招謂招引,提謂提擕,並浪語也。此乃西言耳。」又釋氏要覽卷上釋招提曰:「增輝記:梵云拓鬪提奢(caturdisya),唐言四方僧物。但筆者訛拓為招,去鬪奢,留提,故稱招提。即今十方住持寺院也。」案僧吏略卷上云:「後魏太武帝始光元年創立伽藍,為招提之號。」)寶塔駢羅,(釋氏要覽卷下云:「塔,梵語塔婆,此云高顯,今略稱塔也。又梵云蘇偷婆,此云寶塔。又梵云窣堵波,此云墳。」案塔婆者,由巴利文(Pali)thūpa 而來;蘇偷婆、窣堵波者,由梵文 stūpa 而來;皆譯音也。玄應一切經音義卷六引字苑曰:「塔,佛堂也。他合反。」是此字之訓寺塔,自晉葛洪始。寶塔者,以眾寶為飾者也。駢羅,猶言並列。張衡西京賦曰「夾蓬萊而駢羅」。)爭寫天上之姿,競摹山中之影;(摹原作摸,此依三寶記。摹摸一字,摸為俗體。別本作模,非。模者,法也。摹者,摹寫之也。意義有別。圖繢佛像,畫工未施采事,而先規摹之也。自以作摹為是。○天上之姿,山中之影,皆指如來佛像而言。往者佛至忉利天為母說法,優填王以旃檀作佛像,為造像之始。大唐內典錄謂漢明帝時從月支得優填王雕像之圖樣,敕圖於開陽城門及壽陵上,為中國供養佛像之始。案又過去佛嘗於那竭城南山中留影,魏書釋老志云:「太安初有師子國胡沙門五人奉佛像三到京師。」即本佛影摹寫而得,斯即所謂山中之影也。)金剎與靈臺比高,(靈臺,三寶記作雲臺,誤。案靈臺漢光武所建,升之以望雲物也。水經注穀水條云:「高六丈,方二十步。」文選潘岳閒居賦云:「浮梁黝以徑度,靈臺傑其高峙。」李善曰:「陸機洛陽記:靈臺在洛陽南去城三里。」○金剎者,旛柱也。此指浮圖而言。法華經卷三授記品「長表金剎」,慧琳音義云:「剎梵云掣多羅,彼土無別旛竿,即於塔覆鉢柱頭懸旛。今云剎者,語聲雖訛,以金為之,長而有表,故言金剎也。」案古無剎字,徐鉉說文新附字有之,云:「柱也,從刀未詳,殺省聲,初轄切。」玄應一切經音義卷一忉剎條云:「剎音察,梵言差多羅。此譯云土田。案剎書無此字,即㓼字略也。㓼音初一反,浮圖名剎者,訛也。應言剌瑟胝。剌音力割反。此譯云竿。人以柱代之,名為剎柱,以安佛骨,義同土田,故名剎也。以彼西國塔竿頭安舍利故也。」季羨林先生云:「剎,梵文為 yasti,巴利文為 lasthi。玄應所云剌瑟胝,或為 lasthi 之對音。」)講殿共阿房等壯。(講殿原作廣殿,此依三寶記。逸史本集證本作宮殿,非。阿房,殿名,見史記秦始皇本紀,東西五百步,南北五十丈,可以坐萬人,在渭南上林苑中。房音旁。)豈直木衣綈繡,土被朱紫而已哉!(此言當時興建寺舍之窮侈極度也。文選張衡西京賦云:「北闕甲第,當道直啟,程巧致功,期不阤陊。木衣綈錦,土被朱紫。」薛綜曰:「言皆采畫如錦繡之文章也。」李善曰:「說文云:綈厚繒也。朱紫,二色也。」)暨永熙多難,皇輿遷鄴,諸寺僧尼,亦與時徙。(元魏孝武帝(元修)於永熙三年七月為斛斯椿所迫,西出於長安。十月孝靜帝(元善見)即位,北遷於鄴。)至武定五年,歲在丁卯,余因行役,重覽洛陽。(三寶記作至武定元年(公元五四三),無歲在丁卯四字。案孝靜帝武定元年二月,北豫州刺史高仲密據虎牢西叛,三月南陽王元寶炬遣其子突與宇文黑獺率眾來援仲密,旋圍河橋南城。齊獻武王高歡乃聲討黑獺,戰於邙山,大破之,豫洛二州始平。見魏書孝靜帝紀。衒之之行役過洛,當在平洛州之後,故有城郭崩毀之語。)城郭崩毀,(城郭崩毀,三寶記作牆宇傾毀。)宮室傾覆,寺觀灰燼,廟塔丘墟。牆被蒿艾,巷羅荊棘,(三寶記牆宇傾毀下作荊棘成林,無宮室下十八字。)野獸穴於荒階,山鳥巢於庭樹。(巢,三寶記作聚。)遊兒牧豎,躑躅於九逵;(詩兔罝「施于中逵」,傳曰:「逵,九達之道也。」此所稱九逵者,九軌也。洛陽城門每門有三道,即所謂九軌。左氏隱公十一年傳注云:「逵,道方九軌也。」文選張載七哀詩注云:「桓子新論:雍門周以琴見孟嘗君曰,臣竊悲千秋萬歲後,墳墓生荊棘,狐兔穴其中,樵兒牧豎躑躅而歌其上。」)農夫耕老,藝黍於雙闕。(耕老,各本作耕稼,誤。此依三寶記。農夫耕老與遊兒牧豎文正相應,作耕稼則不合矣。闕者,宮門之象魏也。天子宮門兩旁特為屋,高出於門屋之上者,謂之雙闕。亦謂之兩觀,見孫詒讓周禮正義大宰職。文選古詩曰:「兩宮遙相望,雙闕百餘尺。」是也。兩宮即南北二宮,相去七里。)始知麥秀之感,非獨殷墟;黍離之悲,信哉周室!(始知二字今本並脫,此依三寶記補。又悲字,三寶記作哀。自爭寫天上之姿至此,內典錄並闕。尚書大傳曰:「微子將朝周,過殷之故墟,見麥秀之蔪蔪,此父母之國,志動心悲。」又詩黍離序曰:「黍離,閔宗周也。周大夫行役,至于宗周,過故宗廟,宮室盡為禾黍,閔周室之顛覆,彷徨不忍去,而作是詩。」此所謂黍離麥秀之感也。文選向秀思舊賦曰:「歎黍離之愍周兮,悲麥秀於殷墟,惟古昔以懷今兮,心徘徊以躊躇。」)京城表裏,(表裏,三寶記作內外。)凡有一千餘寺,今日寥廓,(寥原作寮,此從逸史本。)鐘聲罕聞。(鐘原書均作鍾,今皆依逸史本改作鐘。)恐後世無傳,故撰斯記。(案衒之於孝莊帝(元子攸)永安中為奉朝請,若年當弱冠,則撰述此書之時,於武定五年之後,蓋已年在四十左右矣。)然寺數最多,不可遍寫;今之所錄,止大伽藍,(伽藍即佛寺,或曰僧伽藍,本名僧伽囉磨,梵文稱 saṅghārāma,譯云眾園,乃眾沙門修靜之所也。)其中小者,取其祥異,(異字原脫,津逮本同。惟逸史本不誤。祥字各本均作詳,非是。案內典錄引凡有一千餘寺下,作「並選擇祥異以注述云」,是詳異當作祥異也。)世諦俗事,(俗字各本並奪,此依三寶記補。)因而出之。先以城內為始,次及城外。表列門名,以記遠近。凡為五篇。(記字,凡字,各本並奪,此依三寶記補。)余才非著述,(著,三寶記作注。)多有遺漏,後之君子,詳其闕焉。

The records of the Three Mounds and Five Canons, and the teachings of the Nine Schools and Hundred Masters, all have their principles rooted within the human realm, yet their meanings extend beyond the heavens. As for the origins of the One Vehicle and the Two Truths, and the essence of the Three Insights and Six Supernormal Powers, the Western Regions have detailed accounts, but the Eastern Land has no such records.

Since the time when Emperor Ming dreamed of a golden figure, and the full moon radiated its light, when the Yang Gate was adorned with images of the Buddha’s white-tufted eyebrows, and the night terrace depicted his dark blue hair, the influence of Buddhism has spread far and wide, and its teachings have flourished.

By the time of the Yongjia era of the Jin dynasty, there were only forty-two temples. But when the Great Wei received the Mandate and established its capital at Songluo, faith grew ever stronger, and the Buddhist teachings prospered even more. Nobles and high officials gave away elephants and horses as if discarding worn-out sandals; commoners and wealthy families donated their wealth as if leaving behind mere footprints.

Thus, monasteries stood row upon row, and pagodas rose side by side. People vied to depict the celestial form and competed to replicate the shadow from the mountain. Golden spires rivaled the height of the Lingtai Observatory, and lecture halls matched the grandeur of the Epang Palace. This was not merely a matter of wood adorned with embroidered silk or earth painted in vermilion and purple!

After the Yongxi era’s turmoil, the imperial carriage moved to Ye, and the monks and nuns of the temples followed in due course. By the fifth year of Wuding, the year of Dingmao, I passed through Luoyang again on official duty. The city walls had crumbled, palaces lay in ruins, temples and monasteries were reduced to ashes, and shrines and pagodas were mere mounds of earth. Walls were overgrown with mugwort and wormwood, alleys were choked with thorns and brambles. Wild beasts made dens on desolate steps, and mountain birds nested in courtyard trees. Wandering children and cowherds lingered on the broad avenues; farmers and old plowmen sowed millet between the twin gate towers.

Only then did I understand that the lament for the wheat sprouts was not unique to the ruins of Yin, and the sorrow for the millet truly belonged to the fallen house of Zhou. Within and without the capital, there had once been over a thousand temples. Today, the scene is desolate, and the sound of temple bells is rarely heard. Fearing that these would be lost to future generations, I have compiled this record.

However, the number of temples is too great to record them all. What is written here includes only the major monasteries. Among the smaller ones, I have selected those with auspicious or unusual signs, along with worldly events and secular matters, and recorded them accordingly. I begin with those inside the city walls, then move to those outside. I list the gates to mark distances. In all, there are five sections.

I am not skilled in writing, and much has been omitted. May later gentlemen examine and fill in what is lacking.

太和十七年,(太和,各本並作大和,誤。案孝文帝(元宏)改元太和詔曰:「朕夙承寶業,懼不堪荷,而天貺具臻,地瑞並應,風和氣晼,天人交協,宜改號太和。」見魏書卷七上高祖紀。)高祖遷都洛陽,(高祖上各本有後魏二字,當為後人所加,今刪。洛陽本古成周之舊址,漢光武建武元年建都于是,魏晉因而不改。元魏之初,本都平城,至孝文帝太和十七年始定遷都之計,經營洛京。清嘉慶洛陽縣志卷六云:「東漢舊京,在今洛陽城東三十里,今雖湮滅已久,故蹟猶存。」)詔司空公穆亮營造宮室,(魏書高祖紀下云:「太和十七年九月幸洛陽,巡故宮基址。帝顧謂侍臣曰:晉德不修,早傾宗祀,荒毀至此,用傷朕懷!乃定遷都之計。冬十月,幸金墉城,詔徵司空穆亮與尚書李沖將作大匠董爵經始洛京。」元河南志卷三云:「又命青州刺史劉芳、中書舍人常景、造洛陽宮殿門闥之名,經途正其號。十九年九月,新都始立,於是六宮文武盡遷洛陽。宣武永平二年又詔定諸門闥名。初命中書舍人沈馨以隸書書板題之,景明正始之年,又敕符節令江式以大篆易之。」)洛陽城門依魏晉舊名。(案城門之稱號仍魏晉之舊者固多,而亦有高祖改之者。)

In the seventeenth year of the Taihe era, Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital to Luoyang. He ordered the Minister of Works, Mu Liang, to oversee the construction of the imperial palace. The names of Luoyang’s city gates followed those used during the Wei and Jin dynasties.

東面有三門:

On the east side, there are three gates.

北頭第一門,曰建春門。

The first gate in the northern wall is called the Jianchun Gate.

漢曰上東門。阮籍詩曰「步出上東門」,是也。(此阮籍詠懷詩句,見文選卷二十三。李善注引河南郡圖經曰:「東有三門,最北頭曰上東門。」)魏晉曰建春門,高祖因而不改。(漢曰以下今本與上文連寫,今依集證及鉤沈二本列為注文,且分行書之,以清眉目。○案元河南志卷二云:「賈誼疏曰:擇良日立諸子雒陽上東門之外,是則西漢時已有上東門矣。漢舊儀曰:冊皇太子諸侯王皆於上東門。李尤銘曰:上東少陽,厥位在寅,條風動物,月正孟春。」又云:「晉永嘉二年,王彌至洛陽,屯於津陽門。彌兵散,燒建春門而東。」)

It was called Shangdong Gate in the Han Dynasty. Ruan Ji's poem says, "I walked out of Shangdong Gate," referring to this.(This is a line from Ruan Ji's "Yonghuai" poem, found in Wenxuan, volume 23. Li Shan's commentary quotes the Henan Jun Tu Jing, which states: "To the east, there are three gates; the northernmost is called Shangdong Gate.") During the Wei and Jin dynasties, it was renamed Jianchun Gate, and Emperor Gaozu followed this without change.(The text from "It was called Shangdong Gate in the Han Dynasty" onward is written continuously with the preceding text in the current version. Following the editions of Jizheng and Goushen, it is presented here as commentary and formatted in separate lines for clarity. According to Yuan Henan Zhi, volume 2: "Jia Yi's memorial states: 'Choose an auspicious day to establish the princes outside Shangdong Gate in Luoyang.' This indicates that Shangdong Gate existed during the Western Han Dynasty. Han Jiu Yi states: 'The investiture of the crown prince and feudal lords took place at Shangdong Gate.' Li You's inscription says: 'Shangdong is the gate of Shaoyang, positioned in the direction of Yin, where the spring breeze stirs all things, in the first month of spring.'" It also states: "In the second year of the Yongjia era of the Jin Dynasty, Wang Mi arrived in Luoyang and stationed his troops at Jinyang Gate. Wang Mi's troops scattered and set fire to Jianchun Gate before heading east.")

次南曰東陽門。

The second gate to the south is called the Eastern Sun Gate.

漢曰中東門。(中東門,各本作東中門,誤。水經注卷十六謂東陽門,故中東門也。元河南志卷二亦作中東門,且引李尤銘曰:「東處仲月,厥位當卯。」是原名中東門無疑。中東門者,東門之中間一門也。)魏晉曰東陽門,高祖因而不改。

The Han Dynasty called it the Middle East Gate. (The Middle East Gate is mistakenly recorded as the East Middle Gate in various editions. The Commentary on the Water Classic, Volume 16, states that the Dongyang Gate was originally the Middle East Gate. The Yuan Henan Annals, Volume 2, also records it as the Middle East Gate and quotes Li You's inscription: "In the east lies the middle month, its position corresponds to Mao." This confirms that its original name was indeed the Middle East Gate. The Middle East Gate refers to the central gate among the eastern gates.) During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, it was called the Dongyang Gate, and Emperor Gaozu of the Northern Wei Dynasty retained this name without change.

次南曰青陽門。

The second southern gate is called the Qingyang Gate.

漢曰望京門。(案元河南志卷二曰:「旄門,一作宣平門,又曰望京門。李尤銘曰:旄門值季,月位在辰。」)魏晉曰清明門,高祖改為青陽門。(青陽,漢魏本作清陽,非。爾雅釋天云:「春為青陽。」說文云:「青,東方色也。」「陽,高明也。」元河南志卷二云:「青陽門,晉之清明門,孝文改。亦曰稅門,又曰芒門。」)
南面有四門:(原作三門,誤。此依逸史本及元河南志改。)
東頭第一門,(門字各本脫,依集證本補。)曰開陽門。

The first gate on the eastern side is called the Kaiyang Gate.

初,漢光武遷都洛陽,作此門始成,而未有名,忽夜中有柱自來在樓上。後瑯琊郡開陽縣上言南門一柱飛去,(上字各本無,依水經注卷十六及漢官儀補。)使來視之,則是也。遂以開陽為名。(遂,逸史本作因。李尤銘曰:「開陽在孟,位月惟巳。」)自魏及晉因而不改,(文選潘岳懷舊賦曰:「啟開陽而朝邁。」)高祖亦然。
次西曰平昌門。
漢曰平門。(元河南志卷二云:「南面四門:正南曰平門,一作平城門。古今注曰:建武十三年開。蔡邕曰:平城門,正陽之門也。與宮連屬,郊祀法駕所由從出,門之最尊者。漢官秩曰:平城門為宮門,不置候。李尤銘曰:平門督司,午位處中,外臨僚侍,內達帝宮,正陽南面,炎暑赫融。」)魏晉曰平昌門,高祖因而不改。
次西曰宣陽門。
漢曰小苑門。魏晉曰宣陽門,高祖因而不改。(此注今本並無,依水經注、太平寰宇記補。水經注卷十六:穀水又東逕宣陽門南,注云:「故苑門也,皇都遷洛,移置于此。」太平寰宇記卷三云:「開陽門在巳上,漢有小苑門在午上,晉改曰宣陽門。」是宣陽門即漢之小苑門。小苑門亦稱謻門。文選張衡東京賦云:「謻門曲榭,邪阻城洫。」薛綜曰:「謻門,冰室門也。」水經注穀水下云:「謻門,即宣陽門也。」今各本宣陽門下作「漢曰津門」云云,非是。元河南志卷二列後漢城門,平門之西曰宣陽門,並云:「按漢志十二門名有小苑門,而獨無銘,莫知其方所。而十道志列在平城之西。董卓傳:孫堅軍太谷,進宣陽城門。注曰:洛陽記南面有四門,從東第三門也。是則小苑亦名宣陽。次西曰津門。」據此可知宣陽門與津門為二門,非一門也。又水經注穀水下云:「穀水南東屈逕津陽門,又東逕宣陽門南,又東逕平昌門南,又東逕開陽門南。」此正為南面之四門,次第甚明,足正今本伽藍記之誤。)
次西曰津陽門。(此六字今本亦脫,張氏宗祥據水經注各書始發其誤。今考元河南志卷三多據衒之此書而作,其敘南面四門:東曰開陽,次西曰平昌,次西曰宣陽,次西曰津陽;所列與水經注並合,今據補。)
漢曰津門。(逸史本津下有陽字,非。案津門者以洛水從此而入城,故名。元河南志卷二云:「津門當洛水浮橋下,一作津城門,又作津陽門。李尤銘曰:名自定位,惟月在未。」)魏晉曰津陽門(逸史本作宣陽,非。案晉永嘉二年王彌至洛陽,屯於津陽門。)高祖因而不改。
西面有四門:(案自漢迄晉,西面有三門,元魏增闢一門,故為四門。)
南頭第一門,曰西明門。
漢曰廣陽門,(李尤銘曰:「廣陽位孟,厥月在申。」)魏晉因而不改,高祖改為西明門。
次北曰西陽門。
漢曰雍門,(元河南志卷二云:「一曰雍城門。李尤銘曰:雍門處中,位月在西。」)魏晉曰西明門,高祖改為西陽門。(水經注卷十六曰:「舊門在東南,太和中以故門邪出,故徙是門,東對東陽門。」)
次北曰閶闔門。
漢曰上西門。(李尤銘曰:「上西在季,位月惟戌。」)上有銅璇璣玉衡,(上字原脫,此從逸史本。)以齊七政。(尚書舜典云:「在璿璣玉衡,以齊七政。」璿璇字同。孔穎達正義曰:「說文云:璿,美玉也。璣衡者,璣為轉運,衡為橫簫。運璣使動於下,以衡望之,是王者正天文之器。漢世以來,謂之渾天儀者是也。宣帝時,司農中丞耿壽昌始鑄銅為之象,史官施用焉。馬融云:渾天儀可旋轉,故曰璣。衡,其橫簫,所以視星宿也。以璿為璣,以玉為衡,蓋貴天象也。蔡邕云:玉衡長八尺,孔徑一寸,下端望之,以視星辰。蓋縣璣以象天,而衡望之,轉璣窺衡,以知星宿。是其說也。七政謂日月與五星也。馬融云:日月星皆以璿璣玉衡度知其盈縮進退,失政所在。聖人謙讓以驗齊日月五星行度,知其政是與否,重審己之事也。」)魏晉曰閶闔門,(文選卷二十一左思詠史詩「被褐山閶闔」是也。李善云:「晉宮闕名曰:洛陽城閶闔門西向。」)高祖因而不改。(水經注卷十六云:「太和遷都,徙門南側。」)
次北曰承明門。
承明者,高祖所立,當金墉城前東西大道。(水經注卷十六云:「金墉城,魏明帝于洛陽城西北角築之,起層樓于東北隅,皇居創徙,宮極未就,止蹕于此。」)遷京之始,宮闕未就,高祖住在金墉城,城西有王南寺,高祖數詣寺〔與〕沙門論義,(與,各本無,今依文義增。義原作議,非,此依逸史本改。案魏書高祖紀下云:「帝雅好讀書,手不釋卷,史傳百家,無不該涉。善談老莊,尤精釋義。」此所謂論義者,即談論釋典經義也。)故通此門,而未有名,世人謂之新門。時王公卿士常迎駕於新門,高祖謂御史中尉李彪曰:(彪字道間,頓丘衛國人。家世微寒,篤學不倦。高祖初,為中書教學博士,後假員外散騎常侍,建威將軍,使於蕭賾。遷秘書丞,參著作事。高祖南征,假彪冠軍將軍。車駕還京,遷御史中尉,領著作郎。後坐事除名。世宗時以白衣在秘書省修史。景明二年秋卒。見魏書卷六十二本傳。)「曹植詩云:謁帝承明廬,(此子建贈白馬王彪詩,見文選卷二十四。李善云:『陸機洛陽記曰:承明門,後宮出入之門。吾常恠曹子建詩謁帝承明廬,問張公(華),張公云:魏明帝作建始殿,朝會皆由承明門。然直廬在承明門側。』(此據文選卷二十一應璩百一詩注參校))此門宜以承明為稱。」遂名之。
北面有二門:
西頭曰大夏門。
漢曰夏門。(元河南志卷二云「一作夏城門。李尤銘曰:夏門值孟,位月在亥。」)魏晉曰大夏門,〔高祖因而不改。〕(高祖云云,各本並無,今依例補。)宣武帝造三層樓,去地二十丈。(宣武二字各本並無,帝原作嘗。逸史本作帝。案元河南志卷三云:「北有二門:東曰廣莫門。西有大夏門。宣武造三層樓,去地二十丈。洛陽城門樓皆兩重,去地百尺,唯大夏門甍棟峻麗。」此文當即本於是書。今本帝上奪宣武二字,故據補。又河南志卷二記魏宮闕云:「魏略曰:武帝立北宮,明帝造三層樓,高十丈。」水經注卷十六云:「穀水又東歷大夏門下,故夏門也。陸機與弟書云:門有三層,高百尺。魏明帝造。」是則門舊有樓,亦非創自宣武(元恪)矣。又逸史本漢魏本此文作「帝造三層樓,去地十丈;高祖世宗造三層樓,去地二十丈」。吳若準以為高祖世宗云云誤衍,而帝字上脫魏明二字。津逮本之嘗字,又當從漢魏本作帝。唐晏鉤沈則據漢魏本,但於帝字上增魏明二字而已。今從河南志改正。)洛陽城門樓皆兩重,去地百尺,惟大夏門甍棟干雲。(甍,屋棟也。廣韻莫耕切,音萌。)
東頭曰廣莫門。(廣莫者,大也。天有八風,一曰廣莫風。史記律書云:「廣莫風居北方。」)
漢曰穀門。(元河南志卷二云:「一作穀城門。李尤銘曰:穀門北中,位當于子。」水經注卷十六云:「穀門北對芒阜,連嶺修亘,苞總眾山,始自洛口,西踰平陰,悉芒壠也。」)魏晉曰廣莫門,(文選卷二十八劉琨扶風歌云:「朝發廣莫門,莫宿丹水山。」)高祖因而不改。自廣莫門以西,(自字原脫,依逸史本補。)至於大夏門,宮觀相連,被諸城上也。
一門有三道,所謂九軌。(元河南志卷二記晉城闕云:「陸機洛陽記曰:洛陽十二門,門有閣,閉中,開左右出入。城內大道三,中央御道,兩邊築土墻,高四尺,公卿尚書章服從中道,凡人行左右道。左入右出,不得相逢。夾道種槐柳樹。晉書曰:洛陽御道,築墻高丈餘,百郡邸舍皆在城內。又曰:洛陽十二門,皆有雙闕。有橋,橋跨陽渠水。」○九軌,逸史本作九逵,義同。周禮考工記匠人曰:「國中經涂九軌。」鄭注曰:「經緯之涂,皆容方九軌。軌謂軌廣。」又文選張衡東京賦述洛陽城隅之制曰:「經途九軌,城隅九雉。」薛綜曰:「南北為經。途,道也;軌,車轍也。」)
圖版六 北魏元天穆墓誌
(上)圖版七 北魏正光六年(公元五二五)造彌勒下生石像台座上帝王供養浮雕(帝王著王冠,侍臣頭上總髮作雙髻)
(下)圖版八 雲岡石窟造像(一佛二菩薩)
洛陽伽藍記卷第一
魏撫軍府司馬楊衒之撰
周祖謨校釋

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