○永寧寺,熙平元年靈太后胡氏所立也,(魏書釋老志云:「肅宗(元翊)熙平中於城內太社西起永寧寺,靈太后親率百僚表基立剎。」案胡太后為世宗(元恪)妃,肅宗母,安定臨涇司徒胡國珍女。肅宗立,乃尊為皇太后,臨朝稱制,總覽萬機。后姑為尼,頗通佛理,后因之亦崇敬三寶。見北史后妃傳。○又據魏書釋老志,魏顯祖獻文帝皇興元年曾於代京起永寧寺,構七級佛圖,高三百餘尺,基架博敞,為天下第一。熙平初於洛陽起永寧寺,蓋沿平城之舊制。)在宮前閶闔門南一里御道西。(西字續僧傳卷一菩提流支傳及開元釋教錄卷六引作東,誤。案魏書云「於太社西起永寧寺」,本書下文云「太社在閶闔門前御道西」,據此則寺之所在至明。且水經注卷十六穀水注云:「陽渠水逕閶闔門南,又枝分夾路南出,逕太尉司徒兩坊間,謂之銅駝街。水西有永寧寺。」由是益足證作西不誤。○閶闔門者,乃宮城正南之門,雖與城之西門閶闔門同名,而非一門。)
The Yongning Temple was established in the first year of the Xiping era by Empress Dowager Hu of the Ling family. (The "Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism" in the *Book of Wei* states: "During the Xiping era of Emperor Suzong (Yuan Xu), the Yongning Temple was built west of the Grand Altar within the city. Empress Dowager Hu personally led the officials to lay the foundation and erect the pagoda." Empress Dowager Hu was the consort of Emperor Shizong (Yuan Ke) and the mother of Emperor Suzong. She was the daughter of Hu Guozhen, the Minister of Works from Linjing, Anding. After Emperor Suzong ascended the throne, she was honored as Empress Dowager and assumed regency, overseeing all state affairs. Her aunt was a nun and well-versed in Buddhist teachings, which influenced Empress Dowager Hu to also revere the Three Jewels. See the "Biographies of Empresses and Consorts" in the *History of the Northern Dynasties*. According to the "Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism" in the *Book of Wei*, during the first year of the Huangxing era of Emperor Xianwen of the Northern Wei, a Yongning Temple was built in the capital of Dai, featuring a seven-story pagoda over three hundred feet tall. Its foundation was broad and magnificent, unparalleled in the world. The Yongning Temple in Luoyang, built at the beginning of the Xiping era, followed the design of the one in Pingcheng.) It was located one li south of the Changhe Gate in front of the palace, on the west side of the imperial road. (The character "west" is mistakenly written as "east" in the "Biography of Bodhiruci" in Volume 1 of the *Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks* and in Volume 6 of the *Kaiyuan Era Catalog of Buddhist Scriptures*. According to the *Book of Wei*, "the Yongning Temple was built west of the Grand Altar." The text below states, "the Grand Altar is located west of the imperial road in front of the Changhe Gate." From this, the temple's location is clear. Moreover, the *Commentary on the Water Classic*, Volume 16, notes: "The Yangqu Canal flows south of the Changhe Gate, then branches off and runs south along the road, passing between the offices of the Grand Commandant and the Minister of Works, known as the Bronze Camel Street. West of the water is the Yongning Temple." This further confirms that "west" is correct. The Changhe Gate mentioned here is the main southern gate of the palace city. Although it shares the same name as the western gate of the city, they are not the same gate.)
其寺東有太尉府,(此下至「四朝時藏冰處也」當係子注。續僧傳、釋教錄均未引,是其明證。凡依文例考覈為注文者皆低格書寫,不與正文雜糅。○北魏官號多同晉朝,太尉、司徒、司空,並古官名也,號稱三公。太尉即古大司馬之職。漢建武二十七年改大司馬為太尉,其後二者恆迭置,不並列。魏晉之世,大司馬與太尉乃各自為官,北魏仍之不改。見晉書職官志及杜佑通典。○元河南志卷三云:「太尉府在永寧寺東,西對永康里,即舊銅駝街;其左是魏晉故廟地。」)西對永康里,(永康里,在西陽門內御道南。)南界昭玄曹,(昭玄曹,管僧尼之官署。沙門,漢隸鴻臚寺。寺者,官舍也。北魏初京中立道人統,文成帝時改立監福曹,孝文帝時改為昭玄曹。其官屬有沙門統、都維那等,統攝僧伍,以斷僧務者。世宗即位,詔僧犯殺人以上罪者,仍依俗斷;餘付昭玄斷之。見魏書釋老志及宋贊寧僧史略卷中。)北鄰御史臺。(御史,古為記事之官。至秦漢司糾察之任,所居之署,後漢謂之御史臺,後世因之。見宋王益之職源撮要。)閶闔門前御道東有左衛府。(魏書官氏志有左右衛將軍,亦沿晉制也。)府南有司徒府。司徒府南有國子學,(案魏書卷五十五劉芳傳芳請高祖立學表稱:「洛陽記云:國子學宮與天子宮對,校量舊事,國學應在宮門之左。」今此稱國子學在閶闔門御道東,蓋即從劉芳之言而營建者也。)堂內有孔丘像。顏淵問仁、子路問政在側。(並見論語。)國子學南有宗正寺,(學字各本並奪,依元河南志補。宗正者,統皇族宗人圖諜之官也。見晉書職官志。此亦因晉人之舊。)寺南有太廟,(周禮考工記:「匠人營國,左祖右社。」)廟南有護軍府,(魏書官氏志有中護軍。)府南有衣冠里。御道西有右衛府,府南有太尉府,(太尉府,元河南志作太府寺。太府,掌財物庫藏者。)府南有將作曹,(魏書官氏志有將作大匠,掌修治宮室陵園土木之功。)曹南有九級府,(元河南志無九級府,九級未詳。)府南有太社,(元河南志太社下有司州。)社南有凌陰里,即四朝時藏冰處也。(水經注穀水注云:「宣陽門內有宣陽冰室,舊在宣陽門內,故得是名。門既擁塞,冰室又罷。」元河南志卷二云:「陸機洛陽記曰:冰室在宣陽門內,常有冰,天子用賜王公眾官。」案積冰曰凌,詩七月「納于凌陰」,傳曰:「凌陰,冰室也。」○四朝者,即中朝也。謂晉之武、惠、懷、愍四世也。)
To the east of the temple was the Grand Commandant's Office. To its west was Yongkang Ward. To its south was the Office for the Management of Monks and Nuns. To its north was the Censorate.
East of the imperial way in front of the Changhe Gate was the Left Guard Office. South of this office was the Minister Over the Masses's Office. South of the Minister Over the Masses's Office was the National Academy. Inside its hall was a statue of Confucius, with Yan Yuan asking about benevolence and Zilu asking about governance at his side. South of the National Academy was the Imperial Clan Court. South of the court was the Imperial Ancestral Temple. South of the temple was the Protector of the Army Office. South of this office was the Robes and Caps Ward.
West of the imperial way was the Right Guard Office. South of this office was the Grand Commandant's Office. South of this office was the Office of Palace Construction. South of this office was the Nine-Rank Office. South of this office was the Altar of Soil and Grain. South of the altar was Lingyin Ward, which was the ice storage site from the time of the Four Dynasties.
中有九層浮圖一所,架木為之,舉高九十丈。(九十丈,內典錄卷四引同。魏書釋老志云:「高四十餘丈。」水經注穀水注云:「浮圖下基,方十四丈,自金露槃下至地四十九丈。」與本書所記不同。酈道元又稱浮圖「取法代都七級而又高廣之,雖二京之盛,五都之富(五疑當作三),利剎靈圖,未有若斯之構也」。)上有金剎,復高十丈;(上字金字今本並奪,此依開元釋教錄補。內典錄作「上有寶剎」。剎解見序。)合去地一千尺。(續僧傳作「出地千尺」,內典錄作「去地千尺」。)去京師百里,(續僧傳及釋教錄作「去臺百里」,內典錄作「離京百里」。)已遙見之。(巳,內典錄作即。)初掘基至黃泉下,(續僧傳作「初營基日,掘至黃泉」。內典錄作「初欲築基,掘至黃泉下」。)得金像三十軀,(得,續僧傳作獲。三十,原作三千,別本作三十,今據改。續僧傳、內典錄等作三十二。○水經注穀水注云:「其地是曹爽故宅。經始之日,于寺院西南隅得爽窟室,下入土可丈許,地壁悉纍方石砌之,石作細密,都無所毀,其石悉入法用。自非曹爽庸匠,亦難復制此!桓氏有言:曹子丹生此豚犢,信矣。」此言得金像三十軀,殆未可信。)太后以為信法之徵,(續僧傳作「太后以為嘉瑞,奉信法之徵」。內典錄作「太后信為崇法之祥徵」。)是以營建過度也。(內典錄作「是以營造窮極世工」。釋教錄作「是以飾制瓌奇,窮世華美」。續僧傳則與今本並同。○案魏書藝術傳稱建永寧寺九層浮圖,郭安興為匠。此云營建過度,正衒之譏彈之辭也。)剎上有金寶瓶,(續僧傳作「剎表置金寶瓶」。)容二十五斛。(斛,各本作石,此依續僧傳及釋教錄。○案天竺浮圖剎表均置寶瓶,所以盛舍利者也。)寶瓶下有承露金盤一十一重,(一十一重,今本作三十重,此依續僧傳、內典錄及釋教錄改。)周匝皆垂金鐸。(周匝下內典錄有「輪廓」二字。○周禮鼓人以金鐸通鼓,鄭注云:「鐸,大鈴也。」)復有鐵鏁四道,引剎向浮圖四角,鏁上亦有金鐸。鐸大小如一石甕子。(內典錄作「大小皆如一石甕」。)浮圖有九級,(內典錄無「有」字。)角角皆懸金鐸,合上下有一百三十鐸。(一百三十,各本作一百二十,此依續僧傳、內典錄及釋教錄改。)浮圖有四面,(內典錄無「有」字。)面有三戶六牎,戶皆朱漆。(戶,內典錄作並。)扉上各有五行金鈴,(各字今本無,此據內典錄補。鈴原作釘,與內典錄等不合。此依逸史本。此句下內典錄有其十二門二十四扉一句。)合有五千四百枚。(續僧傳及釋教錄並云「其塔四面九間,六窗三戶,皆朱漆扉扇,垂諸金鈴,層有五千四百枚」。與內典錄略有異同。)復有金環鋪首,(內典錄作「鈴下復鏤金環鋪首」。○程大昌演繁露云:「風俗通義:門戶鋪首,昔公輸班見水中蠡引閉其戶,終不可開,遂象之立于門戶。按今門上排立而突起者,公輸班所飾之蠡也。義訓曰:門飾金謂之鋪,鋪謂之鏂,鏂音歐,今俗謂之浮漚釘也。」)殫土木之功,(殫上原衍布字,別本無。)窮造形之巧,(二句內典錄作「窮造製之巧,極土木之工,庶人子來,匪日而作」。)佛事精妙,不可思議。繡柱金鋪,(金鋪,門鋪首,以金為之。文選司馬相如長門賦云:「擠玉戶以撼金鋪兮。」)駭人心目。(釋教錄作「驚駭心目」。)至於高風永夜,(內典錄作「至于秋月,永夜高風」。)寶鐸和鳴,(寶,續僧傳、釋教錄作鈴。)鏗鏘之聲,(聲,續僧傳作音,逸史本同。)聞及十餘里。
There was a nine-story stupa, built of timber, rising ninety zhang high.(The figure "ninety zhang" is also cited in the Neidian Lu, volume four. The Weishu, "Treatise on Buddhism and Daoism," says: "over forty zhang high." The Shuijing Zhu, "Gu River Commentary," says: "The base of the stupa is fourteen zhang square, and from beneath the golden dew-basin down to the ground is forty-nine zhang." These differ from what this book records. Li Daoyuan also says the stupa "took as its model the seven-story pagoda of the capital at Dai, yet made it taller and broader; though the splendor of the two capitals and the wealth of the five metropolises (five is probably a mistake for three), no other sacred pagoda or numinous structure ever matched this edifice.") Atop it was a golden finial, rising another ten zhang;(In current editions the characters "shang" and "jin" are both missing; they are restored here on the basis of the Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu. The Neidian Lu reads "a jeweled finial atop it." For the meaning of "finial," see the preface.) making a total of one thousand chi above the ground.(The Xu Sengzhuan reads "one thousand chi above the ground," and the Neidian Lu reads "one thousand chi from the ground.") One hundred li from the capital,(The Xu Sengzhuan and the Shijiao Lu read "one hundred li from the terrace," while the Neidian Lu reads "one hundred li from the capital.") it could already be seen from afar.("Already," in the Neidian Lu, reads "at once.") When they first dug the foundation, down to the yellow springs,(The Xu Sengzhuan reads: "On the first day of building the foundation, they dug down to the yellow springs." The Neidian Lu reads: "When they first wished to lay the foundation, they dug down to the yellow springs.") they found thirty golden images.("Found," in the Xu Sengzhuan, reads "obtained." "Thirty" was originally written "three thousand"; a variant edition has "thirty," and the text is corrected accordingly here. The Xu Sengzhuan, Neidian Lu, and others have "thirty-two." ○ The Shuijing Zhu, "Gu River Commentary," says: "The site was the former residence of Cao Shuang. On the day construction began, in the southwest corner of the monastery they found Shuang's underground chamber, extending about a zhang into the earth, its walls and floor all laid with squared stone fitted together, the stonework fine and close, with nothing damaged; the stones were all used for the Dharma. Had it not been for Cao Shuang's ordinary craftsmen, it would have been hard to make such a thing again! As the Huan family said: 'Cao Zidan bore this suckling calf'—how true." This account of finding thirty golden images is probably not credible.) The Empress Dowager took this as a sign of true faith in the Dharma,(The Xu Sengzhuan reads: "The Empress Dowager took it as an auspicious sign, a token of reverent faith in the Dharma." The Neidian Lu reads: "The Empress Dowager believed it to be an auspicious token of exalting the Dharma.") and for this reason the construction was excessive.(The Neidian Lu reads: "For this reason the construction exhausted the utmost of worldly craftsmanship." The Shijiao Lu reads: "For this reason the ornamentation was made rare and wondrous, exhausting the world's splendor." The Xu Sengzhuan agrees with the present text. ○ Note: the Weishu, "Biographies of the Arts," states that for the building of the nine-story stupa of Yongning Monastery, Guo Anxing was the craftsman. The statement here that "the construction was excessive" is precisely Yang Xuanzhi's criticism.) On the finial was a golden jeweled vase,(The Xu Sengzhuan reads: "On top of the finial was placed a golden jeweled vase.") holding twenty-five hu.("Hu"—all editions read "shi"; this follows the Xu Sengzhuan and the Shijiao Lu. ○ Note: In India, jeweled vases are always placed atop stupa finials, as receptacles for relics.) Beneath the jeweled vase was a golden dew-collecting basin in eleven tiers,("Eleven tiers"—the present text reads "thirty tiers"; this follows the Xu Sengzhuan, Neidian Lu, and Shijiao Lu.) with golden bells hanging all around.(After "all around," the Neidian Lu has the two characters "outline." ○ The Rites of Zhou, "Director of Music," says that the Director of Music used golden bells to signal drums; Zheng's commentary says: "A bell is a large clapper.") There were also four iron chains, extending from the finial to the four corners of the stupa, and on the chains too were golden bells. The bells were each the size of a one-hu jar.(The Neidian Lu reads: "each the size of a one-hu jar.") The stupa had nine stories,(The Neidian Lu omits the character "had.") and at every corner golden bells were hung, totaling one hundred thirty bells above and below.("One hundred thirty"—all editions read "one hundred twenty"; this follows the Xu Sengzhuan, Neidian Lu, and Shijiao Lu.) The stupa had four sides,(The Neidian Lu omits the character "had.") and each side had three doors and six windows, the doors all lacquered in red.("Doors," in the Neidian Lu, reads "all.") On each door leaf were five rows of golden bells,(The character "each" is absent from the present text; it is restored here from the Neidian Lu. "Bells" was originally written "nails," which does not agree with the Neidian Lu and others. This follows the Yishi edition. After this sentence the Neidian Lu has the sentence: "Its twelve gates and twenty-four door leaves.") totaling five thousand four hundred pieces.(The Xu Sengzhuan and Shijiao Lu both say: "The pagoda had four sides and nine bays, six windows and three doors, all with red-lacquered door leaves, from which golden bells hung; each story had five thousand four hundred pieces." This differs slightly from the Neidian Lu.) There were also golden ring door-pulls,(The Neidian Lu reads: "Beneath the bells were further carved golden ring door-pulls." ○ Cheng Dachang's Yanfan Lu says: "The Fengsu Tongyi states: 'As for door-pulls, long ago Gongshu Ban saw a water snail drawing its shell closed over its doorway, so that it could never be opened, and he fashioned its likeness and set it on doors. Nowadays what stands out in rows on doors is the snail Gongshu Ban adorned. The Yixun says: door ornaments of gold are called pu, and pu is called ou; ou is pronounced "ou," and what is commonly called a floating-bubble nail today.'") exhausting the skill of wood and earth,(Before "exhausting," the original has a superfluous character "bu," which is absent from variant editions.) and utterly exhausting the cleverness of construction.(These two sentences read in the Neidian Lu: "Exhausting the cleverness of construction, utterly exhausting the work of wood and earth; the common people came like sons, and it was done in no time.") The Buddhist work was exquisite and wondrous, beyond imagination. Embroidered pillars and golden door-pulls("Golden door-pulls"—the door-pull ornament, made of gold. The Wenxuan, Sima Xiangru's "Changmen Fu," says: "Pushing the jade door to shake the golden door-pull.") dazzled the mind and eye.(The Shijiao Lu reads: "startling the mind and eye.") And when the high wind blew through the long night,(The Neidian Lu reads: "And in the autumn moon, through the long night's high wind.") the jeweled bells chimed in harmony,("Jeweled," in the Xu Sengzhuan and Shijiao Lu, reads "golden.") and the clanging sound("Sound," in the Xu Sengzhuan, reads "tone," as also in the Yishi edition.) was heard for more than ten li.
浮圖北有佛殿一所,形如太極殿。(續僧傳、釋教錄作「浮圖北有正殿,形擬太極」。案太極殿為宮中正殿,宣武帝景明三年成。見魏書帝紀。禁中正殿以太極為名,始於曹魏。魏明帝青龍三年大治洛陽宮,起太極殿,上法太極,故名。見三國志魏志明帝紀。)中有丈八金像一軀,中長金像十軀(逸史本中上有人字。又「中長」二字內典錄作「等身」。)繡珠像三軀(繡珠像,內典錄作「編真珠像」。)金織成像五軀,(今本作「織成五軀」,文有脫略,此依內典錄改。)玉像二軀。(此句今本並奪,依內典錄補。)作工奇巧,(工,各本作功,此依內典錄。)冠於當世。(自中有以下至此,續僧傳及釋教錄作「中設諸像,金玉珠繡,作工巧綺,冠絕當世」。)僧房樓觀,一千餘間,雕梁粉壁,青璅綺疏,(璅原作繅,非。青璅者,門戶之有畫飾者。文選左思吳都賦云「青瑣丹楹」,劉逵曰:「青瑣,戶兩邊以青畫為瑣文也。」○綺疏者,謂窗牖鏤為綺文者。疏本刻鏤之意,此即指窗而言。文選王逸魯靈光殿賦云:「天窗綺疏。」又古詩「交疏結綺窗,阿閣三重階」,是其義矣。)難得而言。栝栢椿松,(椿松原作松椿,逸史本作栝椿松柏,此依內典錄。)扶疎簷霤,(各本作扶疎拂簷,此依內典錄。簷霤與下堦墀為對文,自以作簷霤為是。扶疎者,枝葉四布也。文選司馬相如上林賦云:「垂條扶疏。」又陶潛讀山海經詩云:「孟夏草木長,繞屋樹扶疏。」)藂竹香草,(藂即叢字,逸史本作翠。)布護堦墀。(堦墀,內典錄作階庭。布護者,遍被散布也。護,逸史本作濩,同。文選司馬相如上林賦云「布濩閎澤」,左思吳都賦云「布濩臯澤」,並指香草而言。扶疎布護皆疊韻字。扶疎亦作扶於,布濩亦作尃濩。○僧房以下至此,續僧傳、釋教錄作「僧房周接,千有餘間。臺觀星羅,參差間出。彫飾朱紫,繢以丹青。栝柏楨松,異草叢集」。)
North of the stupa there was a Buddha hall, shaped like the Taiji Hall. (The Continued Biographies of Monks and the Record of the Teachings of Buddhism have: "North of the stupa there was a main hall, its form modeled on the Taiji Hall." The Taiji Hall was the main hall within the palace, completed in the third year of the Jingming era of Emperor Xuanwu. See the Annals of the Wei Book. Naming the central hall of the palace "Taiji" began under the Cao Wei. In the third year of the Qinglong era, Emperor Ming of Wei greatly expanded the Luoyang palace and built the Taiji Hall, modeling it on the Taiji, hence the name. See the Annals of Emperor Ming in the Wei Records of the Records of the Three Kingdoms.) In it were one gilt image sixteen feet tall, ten life-size gilt images, (The Yishi edition has the character "person" above "middle." Also, the two characters "middle" and "long" appear in the Inner Canon Record as "life-size.") three embroidered pearl images, (The Inner Canon Record gives "embroidered pearl images" as "woven true-pearl images.") five woven-gold images, (The present edition has "five woven," the text being abridged; here it follows the Inner Canon Record.) and two jade images. (This sentence is missing entirely from the present edition and has been supplied from the Inner Canon Record.) The workmanship was wonderfully skillful, ("Workmanship": all editions have "merit"; here it follows the Inner Canon Record.) unsurpassed in its day. (From "in it" down to this point, the Continued Biographies of Monks and the Record of the Teachings of Buddhism read: "In it were placed various images, of gold, jade, pearl, and embroidery, the workmanship cunning and elegant, surpassing all the world.") The monks' quarters and tower pavilions numbered over a thousand rooms, with carved beams and whitewashed walls, blue-latticed doors and figured windows, ("Latticed" was originally "silk," which is wrong. "Blue-latticed" refers to doors and windows bearing painted ornament. The Wenxuan, Zuo Si's Rhapsody on the Capital of Wu, says "blue-latticed doors and vermilion pillars," and Liu Kui comments: "Blue-lattice means that on both sides of the door a blue pattern is painted in latticework." Figured windows means window openings carved into figured patterns. "Shu" originally means to carve, and here refers to the windows themselves. The Wenxuan, Wang Yi's Rhapsody on the Lingguang Hall of Lu, says: "Sky-windows and figured windows." And an old poem says, "Cross-latticed windows bound with figured gauze, and a lofty pavilion of threefold steps"—this is the meaning. ) beyond words to describe. Junipers, cypresses, cedars, and pines ("Cedars and pines" was originally "pines and cedars"; the Yishi edition has "junipers, cedars, pines, and cypresses"; here it follows the Inner Canon Record.) spread their branches over the eaves and gutters, (All editions have "spread their branches and brushed the eaves"; here it follows the Inner Canon Record. "Eaves and gutters" stands in parallel with "steps and terrace" below, so "eaves and gutters" is correct. "Spread their branches" means foliage spreading in all directions. The Wenxuan, Sima Xiangru's Rhapsody on the Imperial Park, says: "Hanging branches spread abroad." And Tao Qian's poem "Reading the Classic of Mountains and Seas" says: "In early summer the plants grow tall, and around the house the trees spread abroad.") while clumps of bamboo and fragrant herbs ("Clumps" is the character for "thicket"; the Yishi edition has "emerald.") spread abundantly over the steps and terrace. (The Inner Canon Record gives "steps and terrace" as "stairs and courtyard." "Spread abundantly" means to spread and scatter everywhere. "Abundantly": the Yishi edition has "broadly," which is the same. The Wenxuan, Sima Xiangru's Rhapsody on the Imperial Park, says "spread broadly over the vast marsh," and Zuo Si's Rhapsody on the Capital of Wu says "spread broadly over the marshlands," both referring to fragrant herbs. "Spread their branches" and "spread abundantly" are both rhyming compounds. "Spread their branches" is also written "扶於," and "spread abundantly" is also written "尃濩." From "monks' quarters" down to this point, the Continued Biographies of Monks and the Record of the Teachings of Buddhism read: "The monks' quarters joined in a circle, over a thousand rooms. The terraces and towers were spread like stars, rising in uneven succession. Carved and adorned in red and purple, painted in vermilion and blue. Junipers, cypresses, pillars, and pines, with rare herbs in dense clusters.")
是以常景碑云:(碑上內典錄、釋教錄有製寺二字。○常景見下文。)「須彌寶殿,兜率淨宮,莫尚於斯」也。(此常景盛道永寧之華麗莊嚴也。須彌、兜率,並指天上而言。須彌乃山名。大唐西域記序稱為蘇迷廬山(梵文 Sumeru),原注:「唐言妙高山。舊曰須彌,又曰須彌婁,皆訛略也。」慧琳一切經音義卷一云:「蘇迷盧山,梵語寶山名。梵音云蘇迷嚧,唐云妙高山。俱舍論云:四寶所成,東面白銀,北面黃金,西面頗梨,南面青琉璃。大論曰:四寶所成曰妙,出過眾山曰高。」案須彌山即天竺北之雪山。○兜率者,梵天之名,佛書稱一日當地上四百年。西域記稱為覩史多天(梵文 Tusita),云:「舊曰兜率陀,又曰兜術陀,訛也。」慧琳一切經音義卷二十六云:「兜率天,此云知足,欲界之中第四天也。」案佛書稱釋迦過去為能仁菩薩,即由兜率天上化乘白象,降神母胎。)
Thus, the inscription by Chang Jing states: "Even the Jeweled Hall of Mount Sumeru and the Pure Palace of the Tusita Heaven cannot surpass this."
外國所獻經像,皆在此寺。寺院墻皆施短椽,(續僧傳、釋教錄作「院墻周匝,皆施椽瓦」。)以瓦覆之,若今宮墻也。(內典錄作「狀若宮墻」。)四面各開一門。(四面上內典錄有寺之二字。)南門樓三重,(內典錄作「其正南門有三重樓」。)通三閣道,(閣字今本無,據內典錄補。閣道者,甬道也。)去地二十丈,形製似今端門。(文選張衡東京賦云:「啟南端之特闈,立應門之將將。」薛綜曰:「啟,開也。端門,南方正門;應門,中門也。」李善曰:「洛陽宮舍記:洛陽有端門。」案端者正也。文選何晏景福殿賦云:「開南端之豁達。」李善曰:「凡正門皆謂之端門。」據是可知永寧寺正門南向。)圖以雲氣,畫彩仙靈,(文選左思吳都賦云:「雕欒鏤楶,青瑣丹楹,圖以雲氣,畫以仙靈。」案靈者神靈奇異之物也,即王逸魯靈光殿賦所謂「圖畫天地,品類羣生,雜物奇怪,山神海靈,寫載其狀,託之丹青」者也。)列錢青璅,(原作綺□青鏁,有誤,此依內典錄改。文選班固西都賦云:「金釭銜璧,是為列錢。」李善曰:「列錢,言金釭銜璧,行列似錢也。」又何晏景福殿賦云:「皎皎白間,離離列錢。」李善曰:「白間,青瑣之側,以白塗之。列錢,金釭也。」)赫奕華麗。(津逮本作輝赫麗華,如隱堂本逸史本復闕輝字,此依內典錄校。赫奕者,光明顯盛之意也。○自南門下,續僧傳、釋教錄並作「正南三門,樓開三道三重,去地二百餘尺,狀若天門,赫奕華麗」。)拱門有四力士,(逸史本作拱夾門有四力士,續僧傳作夾門列四力士,內典錄作夾門兩傍有四力士。案金剛力士,乃護法之神。仁王經有五大力菩薩:一金剛吼菩薩,手持千寶相輪。二龍王吼菩薩,手持金輪燈。三無畏十力吼菩薩,手持金剛杵。四雷電吼菩薩,手持千寶羅網,五無量力吼菩薩,手持五千劍輪是也。亦見辯正論卷一。)四師子,(師,今本作獅,後起字。此依內典錄續僧傳。案師子守護伽藍者也。佛說太子瑞應經云:「佛初生時,有五百師子從雪山來,侍列門側。」)飾以金銀,(銀,內典錄作碧。)加之珠玉,莊嚴煥炳,(莊,今本作裝,誤。此從內典錄、續僧傳改。○煥炳,續僧傳作煥爛,義同。文選張衡東京賦云:「瑰異譎詭,燦爛炳煥」。薛綜曰:「燦爛炳煥,絜白鮮明之貌也。」)世所未聞。東西兩門亦皆如之,(逸史本作「皆亦如之」,內典錄作「悉亦如之」。)所可異者,唯樓兩重。(兩,原作二,此依內典錄、續僧傳及逸史本改。)北門一道,上不施屋,(上字今本無,此依內典錄補。續僧傳、釋教錄作「北門通道,但露而置」。)似烏頭門。(烏頭門,一名烏頭大門,門有雙表,高八尺至二丈二尺,門之兩扉,各隨其長,於上腰中心分作兩分,腰上安欞子,故俗亦謂之欞星門。見宋李誡營造法式卷六卷三十二。)其四門外,(其字今本無,此據內典錄、續僧傳補。)皆樹以青槐,(皆字今本無,從內典錄補。)亘以綠水,(綠,內典錄、續僧傳均作淥。水清曰淥也。○文選左思吳都賦云:「朱闕雙立,馳道如砥。樹以青槐,亘以綠水。玄蔭耽耽。清流亹亹。」李善曰:「古之表道,或松或槐。亘引也,耽耽樹陰重貌,亹亹水流進貌。」案此所謂綠水者,蓋即引自陽渠者也。)京邑行人,(人,續僧傳作旅。)多庇其下。(庇者蔭也。文選左思魏都賦云:「疏通溝以濱路,羅青槐以蔭塗。比滄浪而可濯,方步櫚而有踰。」)路斷飛塵,不由渰雲之潤;(不,續僧傳同。內典錄作非。又渰今本均作奔,誤。此從續僧傳改。內典錄作淹,亦非。詩小雅大田云:「有渰淒淒,興雨祁祁。」(淒淒今詩作萋萋,此從韓詩外傳及呂覽務本篇。)傳曰:「淒淒雲興貌。」正義曰:「天將降雨,則地氣上騰,薰蒸為濕潤,渰浸萬物。」說文曰:「渰雲雨貌。衣儉切。」案此云「渰雲」,正用詩義,謂含雨之雲也。言綠樹交蔭,翛然清寂,不待濕雲潤澤,而飛塵自絕也。)清風送涼。豈藉合歡之發?(此言行旅在途,清爽宜人,無煩紈扇在握,而涼風自至。合歡者,團扇也。文選班婕妤怨歌行云:「新裂齊紈素,皎潔如霜雪,裁為合歡扇,團團似明月,出入君懷袖,動搖微風發。」是也。)
The sutras and images offered by foreign countries were all kept in this temple. The courtyard walls were all fitted with short rafters and covered with tiles, like the palace walls of today. Each of the four sides had a gate.
The south gate had a three-story tower, connected by three covered walkways, rising twenty zhang above the ground. Its form resembled the present-day Duan Gate. It was painted with cloud patterns and colored paintings of immortal spirits. Rows of coins, blue latticed windows—resplendent and magnificent. The arched gate had four strongmen and four lions, adorned with gold and silver, set with pearls and jade—so splendidly adorned that the world had never heard of its like. The east and west gates were also like this; what differed was only that their towers had two stories. The north gate had a single passage and no roof above, resembling a crow-head gate.
Outside the four gates, all were planted with green pagoda trees and bordered by green water. Travelers in the capital often sheltered beneath them. The road was free of flying dust without depending on the moisture of rain clouds; clear breezes brought coolness—why need a round fan be waved?
詔中書舍人常景為寺碑文。(續僧傳、釋教錄詔上有乃字。)
An imperial edict ordered the Secretariat Drafter Chang Jing to compose the inscription for the monastery's stele. (In the Continued Biographies of Monks and the Record of the Buddhist Teachings, the character "乃" appears before "imperial edict.")
景字永昌,河內人也。(北史卷四十二常爽傳云:「景父文通,天水太守。」)敏學博通,知名海內。太和十九年,為高祖所器,拔為律博士,(續僧傳引作擢為修律博士。本傳云:「廷尉公孫良舉為律博士。」今各本作律學博士,學字蓋衍文,今刪。律博士見魏書官氏志。)刑法疑獄,多訪於景。正始初,詔刊律令,永作通式,(世宗正始元年冬十二月詔羣臣議定律令,見魏書世宗紀及刑罰志。)敕景共治書侍御史高僧裕、(僧裕名綽,渤海人,允孫。沈雅有度量,博涉經史,嘗為洛陽令。為政強直,不避豪貴。歷位尚書右丞、散騎常侍、并豫二州刺史。正光三年冬暴疾卒。年四十八。見魏書卷四十八高允傳。)羽林監王元龜、(元龜魏書無傳。)尚書郎祖瑩、(瑩字元珍,范陽遒人。年少好學,以晝繼夜,聲譽甚盛。嘗為彭城王勰法曹參軍,文學秀出,與陳郡袁飜齊名。累遷國子祭酒,領給事黃門侍郎。歷車騎大將軍,遷儀同三司,進爵為伯。有文集行於世。見魏書卷八十二本傳。)員外散騎侍郎李琰之等,(琰之字景珍,隴西狄道人。早有盛名,為著作郎,修撰國史。歷員外散騎侍郎、尚書左僕射、儀同三司,永熙二年薨。見北史卷四十七本傳。)撰集其事。又詔太師彭城王勰、(勰字彥和,獻文帝(元弘)第六子。少而岐嶷,姿性不羣。太和九年封始平王,車駕南伐,改封彭城王。世宗即位,進為大司馬。尋除錄尚書侍中,又以為太師。永平元年為高肇所殺。見魏書卷二十一下本傳。)青州刺史劉芳、(芳字伯文,彭城人。才思深敏,特精經義。博聞強記,兼覽蒼雅,尤長音訓,辨析無疑。漢造三字石經於太學(漢當作魏),學者文字不正,多往質焉。時人號為劉石經。歷國子祭酒,散騎常侍,青州刺史。世宗詔議定律令,芳斟酌古今,為大議之主。其中損益,多芳意也。終于太常卿。延昌二年卒,年六十一。見魏書卷五十五本傳。)入預其議。景討正科條,商榷古今,甚有倫序,見行於世,今律二十篇是也。(案此二十篇者,蓋即承晉世之舊而刊定者。晉武帝嘗詔賈充集諸儒學定律例二十卷,合二千九百餘條。)又共芳造洛陽宮殿門閣之名,經途里邑之號。出除長安令,時人比之潘岳。(潘岳字安仁,晉滎陽中牟人。晉惠帝元康二年為長安令,有西征賦記其事。魏書云:「景於延昌初為錄事參軍,襄威將軍,帶長安令。甚有惠政,民吏稱之。」)其後歷位中書舍人,(肅宗初,景拜謁者僕射,以本官兼中書舍人。)黃門侍郎,(孝昌初,以征虜將軍兼給事黃門侍郎。)祕書監,(前廢帝(元恭)普泰初,除車騎將軍,右光祿大夫,祕書監。)幽州刺史,(此為魏書本傳所未載。)儀同三司。(孝靜帝天平初,遷鄴,除儀同三司。)學徒以為榮焉。(景武定六年以老疾去官,八年薨。)景入參近侍,出為侯牧,居室貧儉,事等農家,(等,續僧傳作若。)唯有經史,盈車滿架。(魏書云:「景自少及老,恒居事任,清儉自守,不營產業;至於衣食,取濟而已。耽好經史,愛翫文詞,若遇新異之書,殷勤求訪,或復質買,不問價之貴賤,必以得為期。善與人交,終始若一,其遊處者,皆服其遠度。」)所著文集,數百餘篇,給事中封暐伯作序行於世。(中字各本脫,據續僧傳補。○暐伯,魏書卷三十二作偉伯,渤海蓨人,封軌子。博學有才思,弱冠除太學博士。每朝廷大議,偉伯皆預焉。肅宗正光末,尚書僕射蕭寶夤以為關西行臺郎,及寶夤為亂,偉伯謀舉義兵,事發見殺,年三十六。魏書不云為給事中,蓋失載也。○案自景字永昌至此為注文。釋教錄引前後文,獨不引此,即其證也。蓋衒之此書以記伽藍為主,凡記載當時之史事及一二人物之事蹟者,皆附見之例耳,非正文也。)
His courtesy name was Yongchang, and he was from Henei. (The History of the Northern Dynasties, volume 42, biography of Chang Shuang, says: "Jing's father was Wentong, grand administrator of Tianshui.") He was keen in study and broadly accomplished, and his fame was known throughout the land. In the nineteenth year of Taihe, he came to the attention of Emperor Gaozu, who promoted him to be Erudite of Law. (The Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks cites this as "promoted to be Erudite of Codified Law." His own biography says: "The Commandant of Justice, Gongsun Liang, recommended him as Erudite of Law." The present editions all read "Erudite of Legal Studies"; the character "studies" is likely a later interpolation and has now been deleted. On the Erudite of Law, see the "Offices and Clans" chapter of the History of Wei.) In matters of criminal law and doubtful cases, he was often consulted. At the beginning of the Zhengshi era, an edict was issued to revise the statutes and ordinances, to serve forever as universal norms. (In the twelfth month of the winter of the first year of Zhengshi of Emperor Shizong, an edict was issued commanding the assembled ministers to deliberate and fix the statutes and ordinances; see the annals of Emperor Shizong in the History of Wei and the "Treatise on Punishments.") Jing was ordered to join with the attending censor Gao Sengyu, (Sengyu's name was Chuo; he was from Bohai and a grandson of Yun. He was calm and refined, with a sense of measure, broadly read in the classics and histories, and once served as magistrate of Luoyang. In government he was firm and upright, and did not shrink from the powerful and noble. He successively held the offices of Right Assistant Director of the Department of State Affairs, Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary Sojourner, and provincial governor of Bing and Yu. In the winter of the third year of Zhengguang he died suddenly of illness at the age of forty-eight. See the biography of Gao Yun in volume 48 of the History of Wei.) the Imperial Insignia Supervisor Wang Yuangui, (Yuangui has no biography in the History of Wei.) the Department of State Affairs Gentleman Zu Ying, (Ying's courtesy name was Yuanzhen; he was from Daoxian in Fanyang. As a youth he loved learning, continuing by day what he had begun by night, and his reputation was very great. He once served as aide in the Legal Section of Pengcheng Prince Xie, and his literary talent stood out; he was equally famous with Yuan Fan of Chen Commandery. He rose successively to Libationer of the National Academy and concurrently Attending Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. He passed through the office of General of Cavalry and was promoted to the Three Excellencies, advancing in rank as a count. He had a collection of writings circulated in the world. See his biography in volume 82 of the History of Wei.) and the Supernumerary Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary Li Yanzhi and others, (Yanzhi's courtesy name was Jingzhen; he was from Didao in Longxi. He enjoyed early renown, serving as Court Author and compiling the national history. He successively held the offices of Supernumerary Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, and the Three Excellencies; he died in the second year of Yongxi. See his biography in volume 47 of the History of the Northern Dynasties.) to compile and gather the relevant materials. An edict also commanded the Grand Preceptor Pengcheng Prince Xie, (Xie's courtesy name was Yanhe; he was the sixth son of Emperor Xianwen (Yuan Hong). As a youth he was precocious, and his bearing and nature were unmatched. In the ninth year of Taihe he was enfeoffed as Prince of Shiping; when the imperial carriage campaigned south, he was re-enfeoffed as Prince of Pengcheng. On Emperor Shizong's accession he was advanced to Grand Marshal. Soon he was appointed Director of the Department of State Affairs and Palace Attendant, and then made Grand Preceptor. In the first year of Yongping he was killed by Gao Zhao. See his biography in volume 21b of the History of Wei.) the provincial governor of Qingzhou Liu Fang, (Fang's courtesy name was Bowen; he was from Pengcheng. His talent and thought were deep and keen, and he was especially skilled in the meaning of the classics. Broadly informed and strongly retentive, he also surveyed the Cangjie and Erya works, and was especially strong in pronunciation and glossing, resolving doubts without error. When the Han (should be Wei) made the three-script stone classics at the Imperial Academy, scholars whose writing of characters was not correct often went to him for judgment. Contemporaries called him Liu of the Stone Classics. He successively held the offices of Libationer of the National Academy, Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary Sojourner, and provincial governor of Qingzhou. When Emperor Shizong issued the edict to deliberate and fix the statutes and ordinances, Fang weighed antiquity and modernity and was the chief of the great deliberations. Of the additions and deletions therein, many were by Fang's intention. He ended as Minister of the Imperial Sacrifices. He died in the second year of Yanchang at the age of sixty-one. See his biography in volume 55 of the History of Wei.) to enter and take part in the deliberations. Jing examined and corrected the regulations and articles, weighing ancient and modern practice, and had a very orderly arrangement; it was circulated in the world, and is the present code in twenty sections. (Note: these twenty sections are probably the old inheritance from the Jin dynasty, revised and fixed. Emperor Wu of Jin once commanded Jia Chong to assemble the Confucian scholars and fix the statutes and precedents in twenty scrolls, totaling more than two thousand nine hundred articles.) He also joined with Fang in creating the names of the palaces and halls of Luoyang and the gate towers, and the designations of the roads and wards. He was appointed magistrate of Chang'an, and contemporaries compared him to Pan Yue. (Pan Yue's courtesy name was Anren; he was from Zhongmou in Xingyang of the Jin. In the second year of Yuankang of Emperor Hui of Jin he became magistrate of Chang'an, and his "Rhapsody on the Western Campaign" records the matter. The History of Wei says: "At the beginning of Yanchang, Jing served as Army Records Officer, General of Xiangwei, and concurrently magistrate of Chang'an. He had very beneficial policies, and the people and officials praised him.") Afterward he successively held the offices of Secretariat Drafter, (At the beginning of Emperor Suzong's reign, Jing was appointed Director of the Receptionists, and concurrently held his own office as Secretariat Drafter.) Attending Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, (At the beginning of Xiaochang, he was made General of the Conquest of the Caitiffs and concurrently Attending Gentleman of the Yellow Gate.) Director of the Palace Library, (At the beginning of Putai of the deposed Emperor (Yuan Gong), he was appointed General of Cavalry, Right Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and Director of the Palace Library.) provincial governor of Youzhou, (This is not recorded in his biography in the History of Wei.) and the Three Excellencies. (At the beginning of Tianping of Emperor Xiaojing, when the capital was moved to Ye, he was appointed to the Three Excellencies.) His students took this as an honor. (In the sixth year of Wuding, Jing left office due to old age and illness, and in the eighth year he died.) At court he took part in the close attendance, and abroad he served as a lordly shepherd; yet his household was poor and frugal, and his affairs were like those of a farming family. ("Like" is written as "as" in the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks.) He had only classics and histories, filling his carts and shelves. (The History of Wei says: "From youth to old age, Jing constantly held office, kept himself pure and frugal, and did not manage property; as for clothing and food, he took only what sufficed. He was deeply devoted to the classics and histories and loved to savor literary phrases. If he encountered a new and unusual book, he sought it earnestly, or would buy it outright, without asking whether the price was high or low, and would make certain to obtain it. He was good at associating with others, the same from beginning to end; those who spent time with him all admired his far-reaching magnanimity.") His collected writings numbered more than several hundred pieces, and the Supervising Secretary Feng Weibo wrote a preface to them that circulated in the world. (The character "中" is missing in all editions and has been supplied from the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks. ○ Weibo appears as Weibo in volume 32 of the History of Wei; he was from Tiao in Bohai and the son of Feng Gui. Broadly learned and talented, at the age of twenty he was appointed Erudite of the Imperial Academy. At every great court deliberation, Weibo took part. In the last years of Zhengguang of Emperor Suzong, the Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs Xiao Baoyin made him a Gentleman of the Guanzhong Field Headquarters; when Baoyin rebelled, Weibo plotted to raise righteous troops, and after the affair was discovered he was killed at the age of thirty-six. The History of Wei does not say he was Supervising Secretary; this was probably an omission. ○ Note: from "his courtesy name was Yongchang" to here is commentary. The Records of Buddhism cites the surrounding text but does not cite this passage, which is the proof. For this book of Xuanzhi takes the recording of monasteries as its main purpose; whoever records contemporary historical events and the deeds of one or two persons, all follow the example of appended notices, and is not the main text.)
裝飾畢功,明帝與太后共登之。(魏書卷六十七崔光傳云:「熙平二年八月,靈太后幸永寧寺,躬登九層佛圖。光表諫曰:永寧累級,閣道回隘,以柔懦之寶體,乘至峻之重峭,萬一差跌,千悔何追?太后不從。」)視宮中如掌內,(各本作視宮內如掌中,此依續僧傳、釋教錄。)臨京師若家庭,以其目見宮中,禁人不聽升之。(之字各本無,續僧傳及釋教錄作禁人不聽登之,今據補。)
衒之嘗與河南尹胡孝世共登之,(孝世,魏書無傳,鉤沈本作世孝。)下臨雲雨,信哉不虛!(衒之下至此為注文,釋教錄不引。)
時有西域沙門菩提達摩者,波斯國胡人也。(釋教錄引無胡字。○沙門者,魏書釋老志云:「剃落鬚髮,釋累辭家,結師資,遵律度,相與和居,治心修靜,行乞以自給,謂之沙門。或曰桑門,亦聲相近。總謂之僧,皆胡言也。僧譯為和命眾,桑門為息心。」案沙門蓋由吐火羅文 saman 譯來,梵言 sramana,巴利文云 samana。宋釋道誠釋氏要覽曰:「沙門,唐言勤息,謂此人勤修善品,息諸惡故。長阿含經云:沙門者,捨離恩愛,出家修道,攝御諸根,不染外欲;慈心一切,無所傷害,逢苦不戚,遇樂不忻,能忍如地。」○菩提達摩者(Bodhidharma),此云道法,南天竺人,為中國佛教禪宗之祖。相傳梁武帝普通元年泛海至廣州,元魏孝明帝正光元年渡江,振錫嵩洛,止于嵩山少林寺。武泰元年(公元五二八)示寂。(見宋釋契嵩傳法正宗記卷五,釋道原景德傳燈錄卷三。陳垣先生釋氏疑年錄作梁大同二年卒。公元五三六)續僧傳卷十六云:「達摩,南天竺婆羅門種(Brālnmana),(傳法正宗記等則云剎帝利種 Kṣatriya)神慧疎朗,聞皆曉悟,隨其所止,誨以禪教。自言年一百五十餘歲,遊化為務,不測于終。釋慧可傳其業。」此云波斯國人,與僧傳有異。○又傳法正宗記載楊衒之曾就達摩問何如謂之為祖,達摩乃為其說偈云云,事出附會,無足取焉。)起自荒裔,來遊中土。(釋教錄作越自西域,來遊洛京。)見金盤炫日,光照雲表,寶鐸含風,響出天外;歌詠讚歎,(歌詠者,口詠梵唄也。)實是神功。自云:年一百五十歲,歷涉諸國,靡不周遍,而此寺精麗,(而,釋教錄作如。)閻浮所無也。(閻浮上逸史本有遍字。釋教錄引無。○閻浮者,洲名。字亦作剡浮,並譯音字。或稱閻浮提(Jambudivipa),唐釋道宣釋迦氏譜云:「剡浮洲者,須彌山南一域之都名也。又剡浮洲者,是樹名(即 jambu),此樹生於南洲之北,枝臨大海,海底有金,金名閻浮,光浮水上,故此洲名從金受稱。若據唐譯,閻浮者上勝金也,提者洲也。此上勝洲,大夏天竺居其心矣。」案此云閻浮所無者,即五天竺所無也。)極佛境界,(佛原作物,非。別本作佛,與續僧傳合。)亦未有此!(釋教錄作「訖佛境界,亦無有比」。)口唱南無,(南無,譯音字,巴利文稱 namo,梵文云 namas,歸禮之義也。弘明集卷十三郗嘉賓奉法要云:「每禮拜懺悔,皆當至心歸命,外國音稱南無。」釋氏要覽卷中云:「南無即是歸趣之義也。」玄應一切經音義卷六云:「南無,或作南謨,或言那莫,皆以歸禮譯之。言和南者,訛也。正言煩淡,或言槃淡(vandana),此云禮也。或言歸命,譯人義安命字也。」案佛教儀軌,凡合掌低頭,口云南無,即致敬之義。或口云槃淡,譯為我禮(vandāmi)。槃淡或作畔睇,或云畔憚南(見唐釋義淨南海寄歸內法傳卷三),或稱槃䢷寐(見翻譯名義集卷四),皆一語也。)合掌連日。(合掌上逸史本有或字,非。○釋氏要覽卷中云:「合掌,若此方之叉手也。必須指掌相著,不令虛。」案中國舊日以拱手為恭,天竺則以合掌為敬,合掌乃恭敬之儀表也。)
至孝昌二年中,(中字逸史本無,續僧傳同。○孝昌,亦肅宗年號。自建塔至此凡十一年。)大風發屋拔樹,剎上寶瓶,隨風而落,(落,續僧傳作墮。)入地丈餘。(案魏書卷一百一十二靈徵志上大風條云:「肅宗孝昌二年五月京師暴風拔樹發屋,永寧九層塔折。」)復命工匠更鑄新瓶。(鑄,逸史本作著。續僧傳作「復命工人,更安新者」。)
建義元年,(建義,敬宗孝莊帝(元子攸)年號。)太原王尒朱榮總士馬於此寺。
榮字天寶,北地秀容人也。(魏書地形志云:「秀容郡,明元帝永興二年置。」唐韋澳諸道山河地名要略云:「秀容在宜芳縣南,劉元海所築也。元海因感神而生,姿容美秀,因以名其城也。」案秀容在今山西朔縣西北。)世為第一領民酋長,博陵郡公。(第一領民酋長為北朝頒予部落人民酋帥之官名。第一者,其品級也。見周一良先生領民酋長與六州都督一文。案魏書卷七十四榮傳云:「其先居於爾朱川,因為氏焉。常領部落,世為酋帥。高祖羽健登國初為領民酋長。祖代德繼為酋長。以征伐有功,除立義將軍。高宗末,除肆州刺史。高祖賜爵梁郡公,卒贈鎮南將軍并州刺史。父新興,太和中繼為酋長。朝廷每有征討,輒獻私馬,兼備資糧,助裨軍用。高祖嘉之,除平北將軍秀容第一領民酋長。榮襲爵,以功除武衛將軍。俄加使持節安北將軍,進封博陵郡公。」此云世為博陵郡公,與魏書小異。)部落八千餘,家有馬數萬匹,富等天府。(魏書本傳云:「家世豪擅,財貨豐贏,牛羊駝馬,色別為羣,谷量而已。」○富等天府者,言其富饒有如天府之國也。史記留侯世家云:「關中所謂金城千里,天府之國也。」)武泰元年二月中帝崩無子,立臨洮王世子釗以紹大業,(魏書卷九肅宗紀云:「武泰元年二月癸丑,帝崩於顯陽殿,時年十九。」北史卷十三后妃傳云:「肅宗崩,胡太后奉潘充華女,言太子即位。經數日,見人心已安,始言潘嬪本實生女,今宜更擇嗣君,遂立臨洮王寶暉子釗為主。年始三歲,天下愕然。」○案釗為臨洮王元愉孫,高祖之曾孫也。)年三歲,太后貪秉朝政,故以立之。榮謂并州刺史元天穆曰:(天穆乃平文皇帝鬱律子,高涼王孤之後。史言天穆善射,有能名。起家員外郎。後爾朱榮與其結納,約為兄弟,除并州刺史。見北史卷十五高涼王孤傳。并州治晉陽。今山西太原。)「皇帝晏駕,(天子崩曰晏駕。史記卷七十九范睢列傳云:「王稽謂范睢曰:宮車一日晏駕,是事之不可知者,一也。」應劭風俗通曰:「天子夜寢早作,故有萬機。今忽崩隤,則為晏駕。」)春秋十九,海內士庶,猶曰幼君。況今奉未言之兒,以臨天下,而望昇平,其可得乎?吾世荷國恩,不能坐看成敗,今欲以鐵馬五千,(五千,逸史本作三千。○文選陸倕石闕銘云:「鐵馬千羣,朱旗萬里。」李善曰:「鐵馬,鐵甲之馬。」)赴哀山陵,(哀悼也。山陵謂陵寢。)兼問侍臣帝崩之由,君竟謂何如?」(何如原作如何,此從逸史本。○案史言肅宗之崩,事出倉卒,時論咸言鄭儼徐紇之計,於是朝野憤歎。故爾朱榮與元天穆等密議稱兵,入匡朝廷。乃抗表上言,有云:「今從佞臣之舉潘嬪之女,以誑百姓;奉未言之兒,而臨四海;欲使海內安乂,愚臣所未聞。伏願聽臣赴闕,預參大議,問侍臣帝崩之由,訪禁旅不知之狀。以徐鄭之徒,付之司敗。雪同天之恥,謝遠近之怨」云云。見榮本傳。)穆曰:「明公世跨并肆,(并州肆州也。肆州今屬山西忻縣。○榮世為并肆二州刺史。見前。)雄才傑出,部落之民,控弦一萬。(盛言其部伍之眾。)若能行廢立之事,伊霍復見於今日。」(於字原脫,此依逸史本。○伊霍者,伊尹霍光也。伊尹相殷,太甲立,不明;伊尹乃放諸桐,三年復歸于亳。見尚書太甲篇。霍光字子孟,漢霍去病之弟。昭帝時為大將軍,輔政十三年,昭帝崩,無嗣,迎立昌邑王賀。賀即位失德,光復廢之,改立宣帝。事與伊尹廢太甲同。見漢書卷六十八光傳。)榮即共穆結異姓兄弟。穆年大,榮兄事之。(穆長榮四歲。)榮為盟主,穆亦拜榮。於是密議長君諸王之中不知誰應當璧。(當璧者,為社稷之主也。左氏昭公十三年傳云:「楚共王無家適,有寵子五人,無適立焉。乃大有事于羣望,而祈曰:請神擇於五人者,使主社稷。乃徧以璧見於羣望曰:當璧而拜者,神所立也,誰敢違之。既乃與巴姬密埋璧於大室之庭,使五人齋而長入拜。康王跨之,靈王肘加焉。」)遂於晉陽,人各鑄像不成,(人各,逸史本作令別,真意本作令各。)唯長樂王子攸像光相具足,端嚴特妙。是以榮意在長樂。(子攸,即孝莊帝,彭城王勰第三子,肅宗孝昌二年封長樂王。見魏書卷十孝莊紀。○案以鑄像卜休咎,此乃北人之國俗。魏故事,將立皇后,必令手鑄金人,以成者為吉。否則不得登后位。見北史后妃傳。即權臣之欲僭位者,亦往往鑄金為己像,以成否驗天意,非特后妃然也。見趙翼廿二史剳記卷十四。榮之鑄長君諸王之像,亦即此意。魏書榮傳亦云:「榮發晉陽,以銅鑄高祖及咸陽王禧等六王子孫像,成者當奉為主,惟莊帝獨就。」)遣蒼頭王豐入洛,(王豐,魏書榮傳作王相。)約以為主。(約原作詢,此從逸史本。)長樂即許之,共剋期契。榮三軍皓素,揚旌南出。太后聞榮舉兵,召王公議之。時胡氏專寵,皇宗怨望,入議者莫肯致言。(入上原有假字,依逸史本刪。)唯黃門侍郎徐紇曰:(紇原作統,誤。本書卷二崇真寺條及卷三菩提寺條均作徐紇。徐紇見魏書卷九十三恩倖傳。紇字武伯,樂安博昌人。家世寒微,少好學,有名理,頗以文詞見稱。高祖拔為主書。世宗初,除中書舍人。肅宗時,靈太后秉政,以曲事鄭儼,特被信任。遷給事黃門侍郎,總攝中書門下之事。軍國詔命,莫不由之。然性浮動,慕權利,外似謇正,內實諂諛。與鄭儼李神軌寵任相亞,時稱徐鄭。肅宗之崩,事出倉卒,時人咸謂二人之計也。爾朱榮將入洛,既剋河梁,紇乃南奔蕭梁。)「尒朱榮馬邑小胡,(馬邑即朔州。榮家起自朔北,故云。諸道山河地名要略云:「朔州州城本漢馬邑城也。昔秦人築城於武州塞,以備胡,城將成而崩者數矣。有馬馳走周旋,及後父老異之,因依走處築城,乃不崩。遂名馬邑也。」)人才凡鄙,不度德量力,長戟指闕,所謂窮轍拒輪,(言困頓途窮,徒奮螳螂之臂也。莊子人間世云:「蘧伯玉謂顏闔曰:汝不知夫螳螂乎?怒其臂以當車轍,不知其不勝任也。」)積薪候燎!(言自取覆滅,何功之有。漢書卷四十八賈誼傳曰:「夫抱火厝之積薪之下,而寢其上,火未及然,因謂之安;方今之埶,何以異此?」)今宿衛文武足得一戰,但守河橋,(在河南孟縣南。晉杜預造河橋於富平津。為古兵戰必爭之地。)觀其意趣;榮懸軍千里,兵老師弊,(逸史本弊作敝。)以逸待勞,破之必矣。」后然紇言。即遣都督李神軌、(神軌頓丘人,李崇子。受父爵,累出征討,頗有將領之氣。孝昌中為靈太后寵遇,勢傾朝野。頻遷征東將軍,給事黃門侍郎,領中書舍人。爾朱榮向洛,為大都督,率眾禦之。出至河橋,值北中不守,遂退還。及與百官候駕於河陰,乃遇害。見魏書卷六十六李崇傳。)鄭季明等,(季明,滎陽開封人,鄭德玄子。釋褐太學博士。正光中,累遷平東將軍光祿少卿。武泰中,潛通爾朱榮,謀奉莊帝。及在河陰,遂為亂兵所害。見魏書卷五十六鄭義傳。)領眾五千,鎮河橋。四月十一日榮過河內,(今河南沁陽縣治。)至高頭驛。(當在河內之南。)長樂王從雷陂北渡,(雷陂,通鑑考異引作雷陂,魏書作高渚。)赴榮軍所。(魏書爾朱榮傳云:「榮師次河內,莊帝與兄彭城王劭、弟始平王子正於高渚潛渡以赴之。時武泰元年四月九日也。十一日榮奉帝為主,十二日百官皆朝於行宮。」)神軌季明等見長樂王往,遂開門降。(魏書卷五十六鄭先護傳云:「莊帝之居藩也,先護深自結託。及爾朱榮稱兵,靈太后令先護與鄭季明等固守河梁,先護聞莊帝即位於河北,遂開門納榮。」)十二日榮軍於芒山之北,(文選潘岳河陽縣作云:「脩芒鬱苕嶢。」李善注引郭緣生述征記云:「北芒,城北芒嶺也。去大夏門不盈一里。」水經注穀水注云:「洛陽廣莫門北對芒阜,連嶺脩亘,苞總眾山。始自洛口,西踰平陰,悉芒壠也。」○案芒字亦作邙,方輿紀要云:「邙山綿亘四百餘里,古陵寢多在其上。」清嘉慶洛陽志云:「邙山在今縣北五里許。」)河陰之野。(今河南孟津縣東。)十三日召百官赴駕,至者盡誅之。王公卿士及諸朝臣死者二千餘人。(二千原作三千,逸史本作二千,與魏書孝莊紀北吏卷四十八爾朱榮傳合。○魏書榮傳曰:「十三日榮惑武衛將軍費穆之說,乃引迎駕百官於行宮西北,云欲祭天。朝士既集,列騎圍遶,責天下喪亂,明帝卒崩之由,云皆緣此等貪虐不相匡弼所致。因縱兵亂害,王公卿士皆斂手就戮,死者千三百餘人。皇弟皇兄並亦見害。靈太后少主其日暴崩。」北史云:「榮既渡河,太后乃下髮入道。內外百官皆向河橋迎駕,榮惑費穆之言,謂天下乘機可取,乃譎朝士,共為盟誓。將向河陰西北三里,至南北長隄,悉命下馬西度,即遣胡騎四面圍之,妄言丞相高陽王欲反,殺百官王公卿士二千餘人。又遷帝於河橋,沉靈太后及少主於河。榮遂鑄金為己像,數四不成,遂便愧悔。至四更中,乃迎莊帝。十四日始奉車駕向洛陽宮。」)十四日車駕入城,大赦天下,改號為建義元年,是為莊帝。于時新經大兵,人物殲盡,流迸之徒,驚駭未出。(迸者,散走也。○魏書榮傳亦云:「于時或云榮欲遷都晉陽,或云欲肆兵大掠,迭相驚恐,人情駭震。京邑士子,十不一存,率皆逃竄,無敢出者。直衛空虛,官守曠廢。」)莊帝肇升太極,(太極殿也。)解網垂仁,唯散騎常侍山偉一人拜恩南闕。(偉字仲才,河南洛陽人。肅宗初,元匡為御史尉,以偉兼侍御史。及領軍元乂秉政,偉復奏記,賛又德美。引偉兼尚書二千石郎。僕射元順領選,表薦為諫議大夫。爾朱榮之害朝士,偉時守直,故免禍。及莊帝入宮,仍除給事黃門侍郎。孝靜初,領著作,守舊而已,初無述著。故自崔鴻死後,迄終偉身,二十許載,時事蕩然,萬不記一。史之遺闕,偉之由也。見北史卷五十偉傳。)加榮使持節中外諸軍事大將軍、開府北道大行臺、都督十州諸軍事大將軍、領左右、太原王。其天穆為侍中、太尉公、世襲并州刺史、上黨王。起家為公卿牧守者,不可勝數。二十日洛中草草,(詩巷伯「勞人草草」,傳云:「草草,勞心也。」箋云:「草草者,憂將妄得罪也。」)猶自不安。死生相怨,人懷異慮。貴室豪家,棄宅競竄;(棄原誤作并。)貧夫賤士,襁負爭逃。於是出詔,濫死者,普加褒贈。三品以上,贈三公。五品以上,贈令僕。(令者,尚書令、中書令;僕者,太僕、太子僕等;是也。)七品以上,贈州牧。白民贈郡鎮。於是稍安。(白民,北史爾朱榮傳作白身,義同。身無官爵,謂之白民。○郡鎮,郡守鎮將也。○由此可知當時名器之濫。故魏書榮傳云:「自茲已後,贈終叨濫,庸人賤品,動至大官,為識者所不貴。」)帝納榮女為皇后。(北史云:「榮女先為明帝嬪,欲上立為后。帝疑未決。給事黃門侍郎祖瑩曰:昔文公在秦,懷嬴入侍,事有反經合義,陛下獨何疑焉?上遂從之。榮意甚悅。」案此事不見魏書,蓋榮女後為齊神武所納,故魏收諱而不言。見廿二史剳記卷十三。)進榮為柱國大將軍錄尚書事,餘官如故。進天穆為大將軍,餘官皆如故。
永安二年五月,(莊帝於武泰元年四月即位,改號建義元年。是年九月,因葛榮亂平,境內安又,復改稱永安元年。此永安二年者,即莊帝即位之次年也。)北海王元顥復入洛,在此寺聚兵。
顥,莊帝從兄也。(顥字子明,北海王詳子。明帝武泰初,為侍中驃騎大將軍,開府儀同三司,相州刺史。見魏書卷二十一上本傳。)孝昌末鎮汲郡。聞尒朱榮入洛陽,遂南奔蕭衍。(衍以顥為魏王。)是年入洛,(見魏書莊帝紀及顥傳。)莊帝北巡。(魏書莊帝紀云:「五月甲戌車駕北巡,乙亥幸河內,丙子元顥入洛。」)顥登皇帝位,改年曰建武元年。(顥墓志云:「公慮兼家國,舊身授手,府朝並建,作鎮鄴城。屬明皇暴崩,中外惟駭,尒朱榮因藉際會,窺兵河洛,遂遠適吳越,觀變而動。孝莊統歷,政出權胡,驕恣惟甚。公仰鼎命之至重,瞻此座之可惜,總眾百越,來赴三川。而金縢未刊,流言競起。兵次牢洛,輿輦北巡。既宗廟無主,而雄圖當就;不得不暫假尊號,奉祭臨師。覬當除君側以謝時,復明辟以歸老」云云。見河南金石志圖正編第一集。)顥與莊帝書曰:「大道既隱,天下匪公。(禮記禮運曰:「大道之行也,天下為公。」又曰:「大道既隱,天下為家。」)禍福不追,(追疑為述字之誤。詩日月云:「報我不述。」傳曰:「述循也。」案循者順也。)與能義絕。(禮記禮運曰:「選賢與能,講信脩睦。」案與當作舉,與能者,舉能也。見王引之經義述聞。)朕猶庶幾五帝,無取六軍。(五帝,謂黃帝、顓頊、帝嚳、帝堯、帝舜。○六軍者,萬二千五百人為軍,古者天子六軍,諸侯三軍。左氏成公二年傳云:「晉作六軍,言其僭越也。」○此所謂庶幾五帝,無取六軍者,言其德如五帝,以禪讓為先,無煩興兵動眾,而奪帝位也。)正以糠粃萬乘,(正,逸史本作故。案正蓋是字之誤也。○孟子梁惠王上「萬乘之國」。趙岐曰:「萬乘,兵車萬乘,謂天子也。」糠粃萬乘者,言不以南面稱君為可貴也。穀皮曰糠,穀不熟為粃,皆猥瑣之物也。)錙銖大寶,(易繫辭下曰:「聖人之大寶曰位。」錙銖大寶者,言不以即位登膺為重也。禮記儒行篇云:「儒有上不臣天子,下不事諸侯,雖分國如錙銖。」鄭注曰:「言君分國以祿之,視之輕如錙銖矣。」案權十黍為絫,十絫為銖,六銖為錙。)非貪皇帝之尊,豈圖六合之富?(四方上下為六合。)直以尒朱榮往歲入洛,順而勤王,(左氏僖公二十五年傳云:「求諸侯莫如勤王。」呂覽不廣篇云:「勤天子之難。」高注曰:「勤,憂也。」)終為魏賊。逆刃加於君親,鋒鏑肆於卿宰。(詩皇矣云:「是伐是肆。」鄭箋曰:「肆,犯突也。」)元氏少長,殆欲無遺。(魏之宗室死難者,據魏書孝莊紀所述已有十餘人。)已有陳恆盜齊之心,(陳恆即田常,陳厲公之後。相齊簡公。後子我欲誅田氏,田常殺子我,簡公亦被弒,乃立簡公弟驁,是為平公。平公即位,政歸田氏。田常自為封邑,大於平公之所食。其後田氏卒代齊為侯矣。見史記田完世家。)非無六卿分晉之計。(六卿者,韓趙魏三卿及范氏、中行氏、智氏也。晉昭公時,六卿彊,公室卑。出公之世,智伯與韓趙魏共分范中行地以為邑。出公死,哀公立,智伯遂有范中行地,最彊。哀公四年,韓趙魏共殺智伯,盡并其地。靜公二年,韓趙魏滅晉侯,遂三分其地。見史記晉世家。○案此言尒朱氏久已包藏禍心。)但以四海橫流,(孟子滕文公上曰:「洪水橫流,氾濫於天下。」案此喻天下大亂,民遭塗炭,如溺洪流,無以幸免也。文選傳亮脩張良廟教云:「夷項定漢,大拯橫流。」)欲篡未可;暫樹君臣,假相拜置。害卿兄弟,(河陰之難,莊帝兄無上王劭、弟始平王子正、並遇害。)獨夫介立。(獨夫猶言一夫也。書泰誓下「獨夫受洪惟作威」。)遵養待時,(詩周頌酌云:「於鑠王師,遵養時晦。」毛傳曰:「遵率,養取,晦昧也。」鄭箋曰:「文王之用師,率殷之叛國,養是闇昧之君,以老其惡。」案左氏宣公十二年傳引詩,杜注曰:「言美武王能遵天之道,須暗昧者惡積而後取之。」此云遵養待時,即用鄭杜義。)臣節詎久?朕覩此心寒,遠投江表,(即江左。)泣請梁朝,誓在復恥。(魏書顥傳云:「顥與子冠受率左右奔於蕭衍。顥見衍,泣涕自陳,言辭壯烈。衍奇之,遂以顥為魏王。假之兵將,令其北入。永安二年四月於梁國城南登壇燔燎,號孝基元年。」)風行建業,電赴三川,(三川者,河洛伊也。見前。)正欲問罪於尒朱,出卿於桎梏;恤深怨於骨肉,解蒼生於倒懸。(孟子公孫丑上云:「萬乘之國,行仁政,民之悅之,猶解倒懸也。」趙岐曰:「倒懸,喻困苦也。」案賈誼新書解縣篇云:「足反居上,首顧居下,是倒縣之勢也。」)謂卿明眸擊節,(文選蜀都賦:「巴姬彈絃,漢女擊節。」此謂如響斯應,意旨相合,共赴家難也。)躬來見我,共敘哀辛,同討兇羯。(羯,五胡之一。自晉石勒居於上黨。)不意駕入成皐,(魏成皐屬滎陽郡,漢河南之縣,故虎牢郡。陸機洛陽記云:「洛陽四關,東有成皐關,在氾水縣東南二里。」案其地至險,聞於天下。在今河南氾水西北。)便爾北渡。雖迫於兇手,勢不自由;或貳生素懷,(貳,原空闕,津逮本作貳。逸史本作訴。案作訴文義不通。貳者攜貳也。或為貣字之誤,貣與忒字通,忒者變也。)棄劍猜我。(棄劍不討兇羯,反而疑我也。)聞之永歎,撫衿而失。何者?朕之於卿,兄弟非遠。(同為獻文帝之孫。詩小雅伐木云:「兄弟無遠。」)連枝分葉,興滅相依。假有內鬩,(原作闚,誤。)外猶禦侮;(詩小雅常棣云:「兄弟鬩于牆,外禦其務。」傳曰:「務,侮也。」)況我與卿,睦厚偏篤,其於急難,(詩常棣又云:「脊令在原,兄弟急難。」)凡今莫如。(詩又云:「凡今之人,莫如兄弟。」)棄親即讐,義將焉據也?且尒朱榮不臣之跡,暴於旁午,(漢書霍光傳云:「受璽以來,二十七日,使者旁午。」如淳曰:「旁午分布也。」案一縱一橫謂之旁午。此指道路而言。○暴,蒲木切。)謀魏社稷,愚智同見。卿乃明白疑於必然,託命豺狼,委身虎口,棄親助賊,兄弟尋戈。(尋者,用也。左氏昭公元年傳云:「日尋干戈,以相征討。」)假獲民地,(民地,一民尺寸之地。)本是榮物;若克城邑,(克,逸史本作剋,義同。)絕非卿有。徒危宗國,以廣寇仇。快賊莽之心,(莽,王莽也。)假卞莊之利。(卞莊亦稱卞莊子,國策秦策陳軫對秦惠王曰:「亦嘗有以夫卞莊子刺虎聞於王者乎?莊子欲刺虎,館豎子止之曰:兩虎方且食牛,食甘必爭,爭則必鬬,鬬則大者傷,小者死,從傷而刺之,一舉必有二獲。」事又見史記卷七十陳軫傳。此謂使榮得乘其利也。)有識之士,咸為慚之。今家國隆替,(家國,逸史本作國家,與通鑑合。替,廢也。)在卿與我。若天道助順,誓茲義舉,則皇魏宗社,與運無窮。儻天不厭亂,(儻,逸史本作脫,義同。脫為北人俗語,義云若也。)胡羯未殄,(殄,絕也,盡也。)鴟鳴狼噬,(鴟,惡聲鳥也,鳴則不祥。狼性狠戾,每每反噬。此喻其橫行殘暴也。宋傅亮宋公九錫文云:「鮮卑負眾,僭盜三齊,狼噬冀青,虔劉沂岱。」)荐食河北,(荐者,數也。數所角切。左氏定公四年傳云:「申包胥如秦乞師,曰:吳為封豕長蛇,以荐食上國。」是也。)在榮為福,於卿為禍。豈伊異人?(詩小雅頍弁云:「豈伊異人,兄弟匪他。」)尺書道意,卿宜三復。(復者,反覆思之也。)義利是圖,(義字原誤作兼,各本均作義,今據正。)富貴可保,狥人非慮。(徇,從也。)終不食言,自相魚肉。(魚肉者,殘害之也。)善擇元吉,(易坤卦云:「黃裳元吉。」干寶曰:「上美為元。」)勿貽後悔。」此黃門郎祖瑩之詞也。(瑩原誤榮。北史瑩傳云:「元顥入洛,以瑩為殿中尚書。莊帝還宮,坐為顥作詔罪狀尒朱榮,免官。後除祕書監。」○案此書北史不載,嚴可均輯北魏文,亦未收。)時帝在長子城,(長子,魏屬上黨郡,今山西長子縣。)太原王上黨王來赴急難。(難字原脫。魏書卷七十四爾朱榮傳云:「五月車駕出幸河北,事出不虞,天下改望。榮聞之,即時馳傳,朝行宮於上黨之長子。」)六月帝圍河內,(河內郡治野王。)太守元桃湯車騎將軍宗正珍孫等為顥守,(元桃湯,魏書莊帝紀及爾朱榮傳並作元襲。此作元桃湯有異。元襲字子緒,墓誌稱京兆康王之孫,洛州刺史武公之子,以永安二年六月廿一日卒。宗正珍孫見魏書卷七十三崔延伯傳。)攻之弗克。時暑炎赫,將士疲勞,太原王欲使帝幸晉陽,至秋更舉大義,未決,召劉助筮之,(劉助,魏書作劉靈助。魏書卷九十一有傳,云:「靈助燕郡人,爾朱榮性信卜筮,靈助所占屢中,遂被親待。」)助曰:「必克。」於是至明盡力攻之,如其言。(事詳魏書靈助傳。)桃湯珍孫並斬首,以殉三軍。顥聞河內不守,親率百僚出鎮河橋,特遷侍中安豐王延明往守硤石。(延明,安豐王猛子。肅宗初,為豫州刺史,累遷給事黃門侍郎。後遷侍中,詔為東道行臺徐州大都督節度諸軍事。復遷都督徐州刺史。莊帝時,兼尚書令大司馬。及元顥入洛,乃與臨淮王彧帥百僚備法駕迎顥。見魏書卷二十延明傳及梁書卷卅二陳慶之傳。顥敗遂將妻子奔梁,死於江南。○硤石,位馬渚之西,在河南孟津縣西二十里,為黃河津渡處。)七月帝至河陽,(河陽,屬河內郡,見魏書地形志。)與顥隔河相望。太原王命車騎將軍爾朱兆潛師渡河,破延明於硤石。(魏書卷七十五爾朱兆傳云:「兆字萬仁,榮從子也。元顥之屯於河橋,榮遣兆與賀拔勝等自馬渚西夜渡數百騎襲擊顥子冠受,擒之。又進破安豐王延明。」)顥聞延明敗,亦散走。所將江淮子弟五千人,莫不解甲相泣,握手成別。(別,原作列,誤,此從逸史本。)顥與數十騎欲奔蕭衍,(數十,原作數千,誤。此從逸史本。)至長社,(長社屬潁川郡。)為社民斬其首,傳送京師。(社,逸史、真意二本作村。○案魏書顥傳云:「顥率帳下數百騎自轘轅南出至臨潁,部騎分散,為臨潁縣卒所斬。」孝莊紀亦云:「臨潁縣卒江豐斬元顥,傳首京師。」又河南博物館所藏石刻有北海王元顥墓志云:「以永安三年七月廿一日薨於潁川臨潁縣,時年卅六。」(見河南金石志圖正編第一集)據是則顥卒於臨潁也。)二十日帝還洛陽,進太原王天柱大將軍,(此官爵為前代所未有。)餘官亦如故;進上黨王太宰,餘官亦如故。
永安三年,逆賊尒朱兆囚莊帝於寺。
時太原王位極心驕,功高意侈,與奪任情,臧否肆意。(與,津逮、真意二本作予。任情二字,各本並脫。案魏書孝莊帝紀詔稱:「榮位極宰衡,與奪任情,臧否肆意,無君之跡,日月以甚。」與此字句相同,當據補。)帝怒謂左右曰:(怒原誤作恐。)「朕寧作高貴鄉公死,(鄉原作卿,誤。)不作漢獻帝生!」(高貴鄉公,魏曹髦也。文帝孫,曹霖子。齊王芳廢,得即帝位。時大將軍司馬昭專權,髦見威權日去,不勝其忿。乃召侍中王沈尚書王經等曰:「司馬昭之心,路人所知也。吾不能坐受廢辱。今日當與卿自出討之。」經謂:「宜見重詳。」帝乃出懷中版令投地曰:「行之決矣!正使死何所懼,況不必死邪?」髦遂帥僮僕數百,鼓譟而出,竟為賈允成濟所弒。卒年二十。見三國志魏志四裴注引漢晉春秋。○漢獻帝建安十八年策命曹操為魏公,並聘其三女為貴人。十九年,曹操遣華歆勒兵入宮收伏后,后被髮徒跣,執帝手曰:「不能復相活耶?」帝曰:「我亦不自知命在何時也。」見三國志魏志一裴注引曹瞞傳。)九月二十五日,詐言產太子,榮穆並入朝,莊帝手刃榮於明光殿,(明光殿,各本作光明殿,誤。今據魏書孝莊紀、尒朱榮傳及元天穆墓誌改正。案榮之被害,城陽王徽及侍中李彧主其謀。見本書卷四宣忠寺條及魏書榮傳。榮傳云:「帝伏兵於明光殿東廊,引榮及榮長子菩提天穆等俱入,坐定,光祿少卿魯安典御李侃晞等抽刀而至,榮窘迫起投御坐,帝先橫刀膝下,遂手刃之。安等亂斫,榮與天穆菩提同時俱死,時年三十八。」)穆為伏兵魯暹所殺。(魯暹,魏書榮傳作魯安。○又元天穆墓志云:「永安三年九月二十五日運巨橫流,奄離禍酷。春秋四十二,暴薨於明光殿。」)榮世子部落大人亦死焉。(即爾朱菩提也。)榮部下車騎將軍尒朱陽都等二十人,(部字原脫,據別本補。)隨入東華門,(宮城東西北邊一門。其南即雲龍門。)亦為伏兵所殺。唯右僕射尒朱世隆素在家,(世隆,榮之從弟也。魏書卷七十五有傳。)聞榮死,總榮部曲,燒西陽門,(西陽門,洛陽西面南頭之第二門。)奔河橋。(見前。)至十月一日,隆與榮妻北鄉郡長公主至芒山馮王寺為榮追福薦齋。(原作隆與妻鄉郡長公主,非。北鄉郡長公主,榮之妻也。見魏書榮傳及世隆傳。別本妻字上有榮字不誤。考魏書卷十九東平王略傳云:「爾朱榮,略之姑夫,略所輕忽。」是榮妻為南安王楨女也。○王應麟通鑑地理通釋云:「芒山亦作邙山,郡縣志北邙山在河南府偃師縣北二里。十道志邙山在洛陽縣北十里。」○馮王寺者,馮熙所建之寺。北史外戚傳云:「馮熙字晉昌,長樂信都人。文明太后之兄也。尚恭宗女,拜駙馬都尉,進爵昌黎王。高祖即位,文明太后臨朝,高祖以熙為侍中車騎大將軍開府都督洛州刺史。熙為政不能仁厚,而信佛法,自出家財在諸州鎮建佛圖精舍,合七十二處。其北邙寺碑文,中書侍郎賈元壽之詞,高祖頻登北邙寺,親讀碑文,稱為佳作。」即此所稱馮王寺也。○薦字原脫,據逸史本補。追福者,以絹物奉寺主,以求冥助,而銷過往之愆也。)即遣尒朱侯討伐、尒朱那律歸等,(那,逸史、真意二本作弗。通鑑作拂。○案此侯那二氏蓋為朔北胡民附於尒朱者,故復冠尒朱之姓。)領胡騎一千,皆白服來至郭下,索太原王尸喪。帝升大夏門望之,遣主書牛法尚謂歸等曰:「太原王立功不終,陰圖釁逆,王法無親,已依正刑,罪止榮身,餘皆不問。卿等何為不降?官爵如故。」歸曰:「臣從太原王來朝陛下,何忽今日枉致無理?臣欲還晉陽,不忍空去,願得太原王尸喪,生死無恨。」(魏書卷七十五世隆傳云:「世隆攻河橋,殺武衛將軍奚毅,率眾還戰大夏門外。朝野震懼,憂在不測。莊帝遣前華陽太守段育慰喻,世隆斬之以狥。」)發言雨淚,哀不自勝。羣胡慟哭,聲振京師。帝聞之,亦為傷懷。遣侍中朱元龍齎鐵券與世隆(朱元龍名瑞,代郡桑乾人。永安中,為齊州恆州刺史。孝昌末,尒朱榮引為其府戶曹參軍,甚為榮所親任。後入朝為侍中。及尒朱兆入洛,復為尒朱世隆所殺。魏書卷八十有傳。○鐵券者,以鐵為之,其狀如卷瓦,上書官職恩賚等,以賞殊功也。)待之不死,官位如故。世隆謂元龍曰:「太原王功格天地,(格,至也。)道濟生民,(道原作造,誤。今從逸史本。)赤心奉國,神明所知。長樂不顧信誓,枉害忠良,今日兩行鐵字,何足可信?吾為太原王報仇,終不歸降!」元龍見世隆呼帝為長樂,知其不款,(款,誠也。)且以言帝。帝即出庫物置城西門外,募敢死之士,以討世隆,一日即得萬人。(魏書孝莊紀僅云募勇士八千討世隆,此言較詳。)與歸等戰於郭外,兇勢不摧。歸等屢涉戎場,便利擊刺;(利字原脫,此依逸史本。便利者,捷速也。荀子議兵篇云:「械用兵革攻完便利者強。」)京師士眾未習軍旅,雖皆義勇,力不從心。三日頻戰,而游魂不息。(游魂者,游散之精氣也。以喻羯胡之散勇。易繫辭上:「精氣為物,游魂為變。」隋虞世南出塞詩云:「山西多勇氣,塞北有游魂。」)帝更募人斷河橋。有漢中人李苗為水軍,從上流放火燒橋,(李苗各本作李荀,此依魏書正。魏書孝莊紀云:「冬十月乙卯,通直散騎常侍假平西將軍都督李苗以火船焚河橋。」又卷七十一苗傳曰:「苗字子宣,梓潼涪人,爾朱世隆逼都邑,孝莊親幸大夏門,集羣臣博議,百寮恇懼,計無所出。苗獨奮衣而起曰:今小賊唐突如此,朝廷有不測之危,正是忠臣烈士效節之日。臣雖不武,竊所庶幾。請以一旅之眾,為陛下徑斷河梁。莊帝壯而許焉。是役苗浮河而歿。世隆正欲大縱兵士焚燒都邑,賴苗京師獲全。」)世隆見橋被焚,遂大剽生民,北上太行。帝遣侍中源子恭、(子恭字靈順,賀孫。莊帝時為征南將軍,給事黃門侍郎。世隆之據河橋,詔子恭為都督以討之。見魏書卷四十一源賀傳。)黃門郎楊寬,(寬華陰人,儉弟。永安二年除中軍將軍太府卿,後為散騎常侍驃騎將軍。至出帝太昌初,方除給事黃門侍郎。見魏書卷五十八楊播傳。此云莊帝時為黃門郎,與史有異。)領步騎三萬,鎮河內。世隆至高都,(高都郡屬建州,晉屬上黨。)立太原太守長廣王曄為主,(逸史本作長廣王等公瓦子為王,誤。案曄字華興,小字盆子,南安王楨孫。起家秘書郎,稍遷通直散騎常侍。莊帝初封長廣王,出為太原太守,行并州事。尒朱世隆推曄為主,尋為所廢。見魏書卷十九下南安王楨傳。)改號曰建明元年。(明字原闕,依魏書孝莊紀及長廣王嘩傳補。逸史、津逮二本作建元,誤。)尒朱氏自封王者八人。(據魏書卷七十五所載尒朱氏之為王者六人,即尒朱兆,尒朱彥伯,尒朱仲遠,尒朱世隆,尒朱度律,尒朱天光是也。)長廣王都晉陽,(都字原闕,依逸史本補。)遣潁川王尒朱兆舉兵向京師,(案尒朱兆莊帝初都督潁川郡,後以平元顥功,除汾州刺史。及尒朱榮死,乃自汾州率騎據晉陽。元曄立,授兆大將軍,爵為王。見魏書卷七十五本傳。此稱潁川王者,即其封爵矣。見魏書前廢帝紀。逸史本潁川下無王字,非是。)子恭軍失利,(魏書子恭傳云:「爾朱兆率眾南出,子恭所部都督史作龍羊文義開柵降兆。子恭退走,為兆所破。眾既退散,兆因入洛。」)兆自雷陂涉渡,(雷陂原作雷波。依逸史本改。雷陂已見上文。魏書兆傳作從河橋西涉渡。孝莊紀作自富平津上涉渡。富平津即孟津,在河南孟縣南。)擒莊帝於式乾殿。(魏書孝莊紀云:「十二月壬寅朔,尒朱兆寇丹谷,源子恭奔退。甲辰,兆自富平津上率騎涉渡,以襲京城,事出倉卒,禁衛不守。帝出雲龍門,兆逼帝幸永寧佛寺。」)帝初以黃河奔急,謂兆未得猝濟,(原作「未謂兆得濟」,此從逸史本。)不意兆不由舟楫,憑流而渡。(論語述而篇「暴虎憑河」,呈疏:「無舟渡河曰憑河。」)是日水淺,不沒馬腹,(沒,逸史本作及。)故及此難。書契所記,未之有也。衒之曰:昔光武受命,冰橋凝於滹水;(凝原作宜,音近而訛。別本不誤。案漢更始二年正月光武徇薊,王郎移檄購求甚急。光武乃趣駕南轅,晨夜兼行,蒙犯霜雪,時天寒,面皆破裂。至滹沱河,無船可渡,適遇冰合乃過。由是馳赴信都,太守任光出迎,其勢始盛。見後漢書光武紀上。)昭烈中起,的盧踊於泥溝;(案蜀先主初依袁紹,紹敗,乃奔荊州,往依劉表。表憚其為人,不任信用。曾請先主宴會,蔡瑁欲因會取之。先主覺,偽如廁,潛遁。乘所乘馬名的盧而去。走墮襄陽城西檀溪水中,溺不得拔。先主急曰:「的盧!今日厄矣!可努力!」的盧一踊三丈,遂得過。見三國志蜀先主紀裴松之注。伯樂相馬經曰:「馬白額入口至齒者名曰榆鴈,一名的盧。奴乘客死,主乘棄市,凶馬也。」見世說德行篇注引。榆鴈,齊民要術卷六作俞膺,的盧作的顱。)皆理合於天,神祇所福,故能功濟宇宙,大庇生民。若兆者,蜂目豺聲,(左氏傳文公元年「楚子將以商臣為大子,訪諸令尹子上,子上曰:是人也,蠭目而豺聲,忍人也,不可立也」。)行窮梟獍,(梟獍乃凶逆之禽獸。梟鳥名,食母。獍獸名,食父。見任昉述異記及史記封禪書注。獍,居慶切。○窮,極也。)阻兵安忍,(左氏傳隱公四年「阻兵而安忍」,正義曰:「阻恃也。」案阻兵即以兵為後衛也。)賊害君親,皇靈有知,(皇靈天神也。)鑒其凶德!反使孟津由膝,贊其逆心,易稱天道禍淫,鬼神福謙,(禍淫,逸史本作禍盈。案易謙卦「天道虧盈而益謙,地道變盈而流謙,鬼神害盈而福謙」。此云天道禍淫,蓋用書湯誥天道福善禍盈之意。)以此驗之,信為虛說。(案衒之記伽藍而兼敘史事,且為之評議,亦史傳論之流也。)時兆營軍尚書省,建天子金鼓,庭設漏刻,嬪御妃主,皆擁之於幕。鏁帝於寺門樓上。時十二月,帝患寒,隨兆乞頭巾,(通鑑梁紀十胡注云:「頭巾所謂栢頭。」)兆不與,遂囚帝送晉陽,(送原作還,此從逸史本。)縊於三級寺。(三級寺在城內,寺塔三級故名。帝崩時年二十四。)帝臨崩禮佛,願不為國王。又作五言曰:「權去生道促,憂來死路長。懷恨出國門,含悲入鬼鄉。隧門一時閉,幽庭豈復光?(文選卷二十八陶淵明挽歌詩:「幽室一已閉,千年不復期。」)思鳥吟青松,(文選卷二十四陸機贈從兄車騎詩:「思鳥有悲音。」)哀風吹白楊。昔來聞死苦,何言身自當!」至太昌元年冬,(太昌孝武帝(元修)即出帝之年號,此即莊帝死後之第二年(公元五三二)。)始迎梓宮赴京師,葬帝靖陵。(靖陵,魏書作靜陵。)所作五言詩即為挽歌詞。朝野聞之,莫不悲慟,百姓觀者,悉皆掩涕而已。
永熙三年二月,(孝武帝即位之三年。)浮圖為火所燒。(續僧傳、釋教錄作為天所震。)帝登凌雲臺望火,(凌,逸史、真意二本作臨,誤。案字當作陵。元河南志卷二云:「陵雲臺,魏文帝黃初二年築,在宣陽門內。楊龍驤洛陽記曰:高二十丈,登之見孟津。世說曰:陵雲臺,樓觀極精巧,先稱平眾材輕重當宜,然後造構,乃無錙銖。遞相負揭。臺雖高峻,常隨風搖動,而終無崩壞。明帝登臺懼其勢危,別以大材扶持之,樓即頹壞。論者謂輕重力偏故也。」(此與今本世說巧藝篇文字有異同。)案劉孝標注引洛陽宮殿簿曰:「陵雲臺上,壁方十三丈,高九尺。樓方四丈,高五丈。棟去地十三丈五尺七寸五分也。」)遣南陽王寶炬、(寶炬,京兆王愉子。孝莊時封南陽王。出帝即位,除太尉公侍中太保。後從出帝沒於關西。宇文黑獺害出帝,寶炬乃自稱帝。見魏書出帝紀及京兆王愉傳。)錄尚書〔事〕長孫稚、(事字各本無,今補。稚字承業,代人。莊帝時,為司徒公,加侍中兼尚書令。前廢帝立,遷太尉公,錄尚書事。出帝初,轉太傅錄尚書事。見魏書卷二十五。)將羽林一千救赴火所,莫不悲惜,垂淚而去。火初從第八級中平旦大發,當時雷雨晦冥,雜下霰雪,百姓道俗,咸來觀火。悲哀之聲,振動京邑。時有三比丘,赴火而死。(續僧傳、釋教錄作「有二道人不忍焚燼,投火而死。」○比丘,譯音字,梵語為 bhiksu,乃行乞之義。釋氏要覽卷上稱謂門云:「比丘,秦言乞士。謂上於諸佛乞法,資益慧命;下於施主乞食,資益色身。」道人者,亦即比丘也。比丘之赴火,乃佛家捨身救難之意。)火經三月不滅。有火入地尋柱,周年猶有煙氣。
其年五月中,(釋教錄無中字。)有人從東萊郡來云:(東萊郡,各本作象郡。今從續僧傳改。太平御覽六百五十八及釋教錄引亦均作東萊郡。魏書地形志無象郡。東萊郡屬光州,今山東掖縣治。)「見浮圖於海中,光明照耀,儼然如新,海上之民,咸皆見之。俄然霧起,浮圖遂隱。」至七月中,平陽王為侍中斛斯椿所挾,(挾原作使,學津本作逼。此依續僧傳、釋教錄。)奔於長安。(平陽王即孝武帝(出帝),名脩,字孝則,廣平武穆王懷之第三子。莊帝永安三年封平陽王。後廢帝安定王中興二年四月,自以疏遠,未協四海之心,乃遜大位。高歡奉王為帝,改中興二年為太昌元年。是年十二月改為永熙元年。永熙三年七月從斛斯椿言,親總六軍次於河橋,以伐高歡,事不克濟,為椿所迫,出於長安。見魏書卷十一。○椿字法壽,廣牧富昌人。魏書卷八十有傳。)十月而京師遷鄴。(孝武既入關,高歡乃奉清河王亶子善見為帝。十月即位,改永熙三年為天平元年,是為孝靜帝。尋北遷于鄴,史稱東魏,十七年而亡。)