○太原王先生名中。字克平。謂余曰。中也聞諸先逹曰佛是聖中之至聖。佛之教法大道之學也。不識晦菴先生之本意。何為而排之。乞師一言以為啟迪。曰。據直言之子則有所胥忌。逮欲無言又[古/幸]子問。但請力學。至扵擴充之地。而無迫隘之量。然則彼之短長瞭然可見。何待發問而後知乎。孟子謂孔子登東山而小魯。登泰山而小天下。豈不其然歟。今大儒之論道𦀇邦老之㱕根復命。佛之明心見性𣅜明道而弘善也。書曰。為善不同同㱕乎治。漢牟子曰。君子博取眾善。以輔其身。此之謂也。是故逹人大觀。庶幾明道理。識言語。烏可死扵一人半人之語乎。吾軰心宗之學。微用文義貫穿道理而已。子讀萬卷𦀇書。始為通方達士。曰。非一朝而可造詣。吾師扵理明切至當得相扣也。曰。然則為汝隱然指㱕令汝自見。韓子未知佛法。所以排佛。及見大顛禪師後。深敬佛法。晦菴潜心佛學可謂博矣。其排佛者心病也。[首-自+句]不排佛則後學多看佛書。凡看佛書則見其心病矣。由是密設墻壍関住後學。令走不出。識不破也。

Mr. Wang of Taiyuan, whose given name was Zhong and whose courtesy name was Keping, said to me: "Zhong has heard from earlier worthy men that the Buddha is the most holy among the sages, and that the Buddha's teaching is the study of the great Way. I do not understand what Master Hui'an's true intention was in rejecting it. I beg you to say a word to enlighten me."

I said: "If I speak too plainly, you will resent it. Yet when I wish to say nothing, you press me with questions. Just study diligently. When you reach the point of broad expansion, without a narrow and cramped measure, then the strengths and weaknesses of that matter will be plainly visible. Why wait to ask before knowing?

"Mencius said that when Confucius climbed the Eastern Mountain, Lu seemed small, and when he climbed Mount Tai, the whole world seemed small. Is this not so? Now the great scholars discuss the Way: the root-returning and life-restoring of the Daoist masters, and the illuminating of the mind and seeing of one's nature of the Buddhists—all clarify the Way and spread goodness.

"The Book of Documents says: 'Good deeds differ, yet they all return to order.' Mouzi of the Han said: 'The noble person broadly gathers all good things to support himself.' This is what that means. Therefore a person of broad vision sees things on a large scale, and may thereby understand principle and comprehend words. How can one be confined to the words of one person or half a person?

"Our school of mind learns simply by using words and meaning to thread through principle. Only when you have read ten thousand scrolls of scriptures will you become a broadly accomplished scholar."

He said: "This cannot be achieved in a single morning. When my understanding of principle is clear and exactly right, I should be able to question you further."

I said: "Then I will keep it hidden and let you see it for yourself. Master Han did not understand the Buddha's Dharma, and that is why he rejected the Buddha. But after he met Chan Master Dadian, he deeply respected the Buddha's Dharma. Hui'an immersed his mind in Buddhist study and can be called broadly learned. His rejection of Buddhism was a heart ailment. If he did not reject Buddhism, later students would read many Buddhist books. And whenever they read Buddhist books, they would see his heart ailment. Therefore he secretly set up a barrier to block later students, so they could not escape or see through it."

○曰。晦菴墻壍設在何𠁅。曰。指程子云。佛氏之言。比楊墨尤為近理。所以其害為尤甚。令滛聲羙色而以遠之。大學中庸序文或問諸書註語。晦菴語錄。𣅜存此意。小學有世俗信浮圖誑誘等語。文公家禮喪禮篇有云不作佛事。復指司馬溫公語註云。世俗信浮圖誑誘等語。全是晦菴心之所之。不是溫公之語。如是用心。是其設墻壍也。所以皮[皮-(〡/又)+(王/胃)]之學者偏要排佛。讒讀数十卷書。心忿忿然。遽以排佛為急務。嗚呼。學至宏博。自然通泰。排佛之心。稍覺[輕-(巢-果)+(光-兀)]矣。學而至化。出彼墻壍之外。自知排佛之非追悔不及矣。當知三教之學。乃至琴碁書畵。百工伎藝。學而至扵變化之地。始得活機之妙。不然則在死殺法裏。蘧伯玉六十而化。始得𠁅心之要。學而至化卒難得也。

Someone asked: "Where did Hui'an set up his fortress?"

The answer: Master Cheng said, "The teachings of the Buddhists are even more reasonable-sounding than those of Yang Zhu and Mozi. That is why their harm is even greater." The practice of keeping away from them as if avoiding seductive beauty—this idea appears in the prefaces and questions to the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, and in the annotations to various books. It is also preserved in Hui'an's recorded sayings. The Lesser Learning contains passages about worldly people being deceived and misled by Buddhists. The Family Rituals by Duke Wen, in the chapter on mourning rites, says not to perform Buddhist services. Again quoting Sima Wengong's words with commentary—the passages about worldly people being deceived and misled by Buddhists—these are entirely what was in Hui'an's own mind, not Wengong's words. To apply one's mind in this way—that is where he set up his fortress.

Therefore, scholars of shallow learning insist on refuting Buddhism. Having read only a few dozen scrolls of books, their hearts are full of resentment, and they make refuting Buddhism their most urgent task.

Alas! When learning reaches breadth and depth, one naturally becomes open and at ease. The urge to refute Buddhism gradually fades. When learning reaches the point of transformation, one steps outside that fortress and realizes for oneself that refuting Buddhism was wrong—but it is too late to repent.

You should know that in the learning of the Three Teachings—even in music, chess, calligraphy, painting, and the various crafts and arts—only when learning reaches the ground of transformation does one begin to grasp the wonder of living vitality. Otherwise, one remains trapped in dead, rigid methods. Qu Boyu transformed at sixty and only then grasped the essence of settling the mind. Learning that reaches transformation is, in the end, hard to attain.

○司馬溫公與元城劉先生曰。佛家言天堂地獄且夫實有此否。元城曰。佛之設此。俾人易惡向善耳。且鄒衍謂天地之外如神州赤縣者八九。莊子謂六合之外聖人存而不論。凡人耳目所不及安知其無。溫公動容而服膺。自此敬佛。溫公手書一卷心經贈僧。復題其後云退之排佛。而稱大顛外形[骨*(求-、)]以理自勝。且胷中無滯礙由是觀之扵佛不為無得。而所排者跡耳(出西山讀書記。并溩道集。性學辯)已而元城曰。溫公老先生深知佛法(出元城語錄)所以資治通鑑未始排佛。溫公著大同集觧。禪偈古文孝經㫖觧潛虛。擬太玄等書。皆正直之辭。断無排佛之語。文公家禮所註溫公之語。虛架而無根矣。𰝩溪二程是佛法中人豈肻排佛。溫公程子排佛之言顯是晦菴所造。栽扵二家名下。以為自己排佛之本也。道餘錄。收二程子排佛二十八條。晦菴排佛二十一條。総是晦菴胷中所蘊。不是程子見識。程子苟存此見。豈䏻著易傳耶。易傳辭理俱勝。不失東林総禪師。𰝩溪周元公口傳心受之意一模脫出。渾無睽舛未甞有此僻隘之心。溫公程子不肻排佛。通鑑易傳良可徵也。晦菴非惟曲排佛法。抑亦曲指溫公程子損其名徳也。曰程子排佛之語出扵程子文集豈是晦菴所造。曰橫渠與𰝩溪同問道扵東林総禪師。今来橫渠西銘正蒙二書。皆有排佛之語。二書𣅜是晦菴打點。并加註語。集為朱子成書。西銘正蒙排佛之語。未必出扵橫渠之口。多出晦菴之筆。程子文集排佛之語同此籌也。橫渠與周子同問道扵東林。性理群書等。又謂橫渠問易扵程子。噫橫渠年𨿽少扵周子。亦是同時人也。何不問易扵周子却問易扵程子。此或實事亦未可知。或是後人欲尊程子矯立此事亦未可知。已而凡著書者互引此事汎而說之。是以此事遍扵群書。遂為實事。豈不見晦菴凡造語。要人信伏。便指為程子所說。嗚呼。證龜成鼈此之謂也。曰何由知為晦菴之語乎。曰言語𠰥認不出何以知人乎。曰既謂知人𰝩溪何人也。曰履徳君子也。故無眛佛之言耳。曰誠知人矣。夫溫公正人君子。二程子慎徳君子。吾知三子不肻謗佛。如保曾參不殺人也。通鑑易傳誠為證據。

Sima Guang once asked Mr. Liu of Yuancheng, "Does Buddhism really speak of heaven and hell—do such places truly exist?"

Yuancheng replied, "The Buddha established these ideas simply to help people turn away from evil and toward good. Moreover, Zou Yan said that beyond this world there are eight or nine other realms like our own Divine Land. Confucius said that regarding what lies beyond the six directions, the sage preserves silence and does not discuss it. Since these are things beyond ordinary people's sight and hearing, how can we know they do not exist?"

Sima Guang was deeply moved and accepted this teaching wholeheartedly. From then on, he respected Buddhism.

Sima Guang personally copied a scroll of the Heart Sutra and gifted it to a monk. He then wrote a note at the end: "Han Yu criticized Buddhism, yet he praised Dadian for transcending outward form and comprehending truth through principle, and for having no obstructions in his mind. From this we can see that Han Yu did gain something from Buddhism—what he criticized was merely its outward traces."

(From Xishan Reading Records, together with Wudao Collection and Xingxue Bian)

Afterward, Yuancheng said, "Old Mr. Sima Guang deeply understood the Buddha-Dharma."

(From Yuancheng's Analects)

That is why the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government never once criticized Buddhism.

Sima Guang wrote the Collected Explanations of the Great Harmony, Chan Verses, Explanations of the Ancient Classic of Filial Piety, and Qianxu, and drafted the Taixuan and other works—all expressing upright and straightforward principles. There is absolutely no criticism of Buddhism in them.

The words attributed to Sima Guang in Zhu Xi's Family Rituals are groundless and baseless. Lianxi and the two Cheng brothers were people of the Dharma—how could they have been willing to criticize Buddhism? The sayings criticizing Buddhism attributed to Sima Guang and the Cheng brothers were clearly fabricated by Hui'an, planted under those two names to serve as the basis for his own criticism of Buddhism.

The Record of Surplus Dao collects twenty-eight passages of the two Cheng brothers criticizing Buddhism and twenty-one passages of Hui'an criticizing Buddhism. All of these come from Hui'an's own mind, not from the Cheng brothers' understanding. If the Cheng brothers had truly held such views, how could they have written the Commentary on the Book of Changes? The principles in the Commentary on the Book of Changes are all-encompassing and do not lose the essence of Donglin's total Zen. They flow out in exact accordance with what Lianxi Zhou Dunyi received orally and understood in his heart—completely without discrepancy. They never had such narrow-mindedness.

That Sima Guang and the Cheng brothers were unwilling to criticize Buddhism can be well verified through the Comprehensive Mirror and the Commentary on the Book of Changes.

Hui'an not only twisted the Dharma but also twisted the reputations of Sima Guang and the Cheng brothers. One might say: "The passages criticizing Buddhism attributed to the Cheng brothers come from the Cheng brothers' collected works—how could they have been fabricated by Hui'an?"

The reply: Zhang Zai and Lianxi both sought the Way from Donglin's total Zen. Now the Western Inscription and Correcting Youthful Ignorance by Zhang Zai both contain passages criticizing Buddhism. Both works were edited by Hui'an, who added his own annotations and compiled them into Master Zhu's Complete Works. The anti-Buddhist passages in the Western Inscription and Correcting Youthful Ignorance may not have come from Zhang Zai's own mouth—many came from Hui'an's pen. The anti-Buddhist passages in the Cheng brothers' collected works follow the same pattern.

Zhang Zai and Master Zhou both sought the Way from Donglin. The Collective Writings on Nature and Principle also says that Zhang Zai asked the Cheng brothers about the Book of Changes. Alas! Though Zhang Zai was younger than Master Zhou, they were contemporaries. Why would he not ask Master Zhou about the Book of Changes but instead ask the Cheng brothers? This may be a factual event, or it may be that later generations, wishing to honor the Cheng brothers, fabricated this matter—we cannot know.

Afterward, all who wrote books cited this matter back and forth and spread it widely. Thus this story spread throughout all books and became accepted as fact. Have you not seen how whenever Hui'an fabricated something, he wanted people to believe it, and so he attributed it to the Cheng brothers? Alas! This is what is called "proving a turtle to be a soft-shelled turtle."

One might ask: "How do you know these are Hui'an's words?"

The reply: "If you cannot recognize a person's way of speaking, how can you know the person?"

One might ask: "Since you speak of knowing people, what kind of person was Lianxi?"

The reply: "He was a gentleman of virtuous conduct. That is why he had no words that obscured the Buddha."

One might say: "Truly you know people."

Now, Sima Guang was an upright gentleman. The two Cheng brothers were gentlemen careful about virtue. I know these three would not have slandered Buddhism—just as I am certain that Zeng Shen did not commit murder. The Comprehensive Mirror and the Commentary on the Book of Changes truly serve as evidence.

○曰晦菴非惟排佛抑亦排老。此復何如。曰其扵老子之教。初無干涉。故不欲排老。𠰥獨排佛則有譏議。故以二教同而排之。謂為排抵諸宗。扶𣗳儒宗而已。曾不知天生三教。推不向前。𭡠不向後。為世師範不可無也。如太空之有天地。非天地則無䨱載也。曰或謂佛學為九𣴑之墨家然否。曰甚矣子胡不知也。九𣴑載扵史記。漢[弋@正]帝時司馬相如之所述也。此時未有佛法。言墨家者墨翟也。墨以行事為教耳。佛以大道為教。統天地三教之極祖也。惜相如之不遇乎。遇則推尊而尚之。必有可觀者也。曰佛有兼愛近乎墨也。曰慈悲喜捨佛之徳也。豈是溺情汩志之愛乎。慈悲之愛者徳也。溺情之愛者私也。韓昌黎曰博愛之謂仁。此𣴑扵情而混淆也。孔子曰愽施扵民而䏻濟眾必也聖乎。孟子曰惻隱之心仁之端也。孔孟非溺情汩志。亦非真妄混淆。故可與慈悲之愛相表裏。嗚呼。儒宗以綱常為先。明道兼之。釋宗以明道為先綱常兼之。眾人觀之似乎不同。逹人觀之而實同也。夫既慈愛扵眾。以及鳥獸昆蟲者。豈不忠扵君不孝扵親不脩道徳不弘仁義乎。凡如是者未之有也。

Someone asked: "Huian did not only criticize Buddhism; he also criticized Daoism. How about that?"

The reply: "He had no quarrel with Laozi's teachings, so he did not want to criticize Daoism. But if he criticized Buddhism alone, he would invite reproach. So he criticized both teachings together as if they were the same, claiming he was only striking at the various schools in order to uphold the Confucian tradition. He never understood that Heaven produced the Three Teachings; push them and they do not go forward, pull them and they do not go back. They are indispensable as models for the world, like heaven and earth within the great vastness. Without heaven and earth, there would be nothing to cover and support all things."

Someone asked: "Some say Buddhist learning is the Mohist school among the Nine Schools. Is that so?"

The reply: "How foolish you are not to know! The Nine Schools are recorded in the Records of the Grand Historian, as set forth by Sima Xiangru in the time of Emperor Wu of Han. At that time Buddhism had not yet arrived. The one called a Mohist is Mo Di. Mozi took practical conduct as his teaching; the Buddha took the Great Way as his teaching. He is the supreme ancestor encompassing the Three Teachings of heaven and earth. What a pity that Sima Xiangru never encountered it! Had he encountered it, he would surely have honored and exalted it, and there would have been something worth seeing."

Someone asked: "Buddhism has love that seems close to Mohism. Is that so?"

The reply: "Compassion, joy, and equanimity are the virtues of the Buddha. How could this be the love that drowns in emotion and muddies the will? The love of compassion is virtue; the love that drowns in emotion is selfish attachment. Han Changli said that universal love is called benevolence. This flows from emotion and confuses the distinction. Confucius said: 'If one widely benefits the people and is able to help the multitude, is that not surely sage-like?' Mencius said: 'The heart of compassion is the beginning of benevolence.' Confucius and Mencius were not drowning in emotion or muddying the will, nor did they confuse the true with the false. Therefore their teachings can be matched with the love of compassion, inner and outer together. Alas! The Confucian tradition puts the moral order first, and clarifies the Way to support it. The Buddhist tradition puts clarifying the Way first, and the moral order supports it. From the view of ordinary people, they seem different; from the view of one who understands, they are in fact the same. Now if one is compassionate and loving toward the multitude, extending even to birds, beasts, and insects, how could one fail to be loyal to the ruler, filial to parents, cultivate virtue, and promote benevolence and righteousness? No one who is like this has ever failed in such things."

○曰晦菴所惡虛無𡨜滅之教。新安陳氏曰老氏虛無佛氏𡨜滅。此說何如。曰虛無𡨜滅有權實二義。以權言之則虛無𡨜滅是空幻之語。凡夫執有小乗執空中乗執不有不空。大乗當體即空不堕眾數。妙有非有真空不空。不立一塵不捨一法。縱橫逆順法法全真。是故大覺世尊。為破凡夫之有故。乃曰此身虛幻。令心𡨜滅為破小乗之空故。乃責其𨺻扵觧脫深坑。令求出離。為破中乗之不有不空故。乃責其縛扵幻有令求大乗。此皆善權方便之術也。以實言之則虛無𡨜滅是萬有之母。出生天地人物。動植飛潛而至萬法者也。佛教曰。從無住本立一切法。乃至無有少法可得。然燈佛為我授記。老子曰。道可道非常道。名可名非常名。無名天地之始。有名萬物之母。常無欲以觀其妙。常有欲以觀其徼。孔子曰。易無思也無為也。𡨜然不動感而遂通天下之故。非天下之至神。其孰䏻與扵此。禮曰。無為而物成是天道也。子思子曰上天之載無聲無臭。三教聖賢之𭥍皆是真常𡨜滅。真空不空。初無少異。佛說生滅滅已𡨜滅為樂。盖令空其妄情也。夫天地人物以及萬[類-犬+(八/ㄅ)]。𣅜一氣展縮初無間然。展而為陽。縮而為隂。隂極而陽。陽極而隂。靜為隂基。動為陽體。靜極而動。動極而靜。靜即虛無𡨜滅也。靜極而動即虛無𡨜滅中出生萬有也。晦菴讀佛書。可只見得破凡夫方便語乎。可是不識虛無𡨜滅是萬有之母乎。可是不識三教聖賢之㫖皆是真空𡨜滅之理乎。可是自欺其心特爾曲說疑誤後學乎。所以惡佛老為虛無𡨜滅之教也。其脫扵大理。豈小小哉。

Someone asked: "Zhu Xi criticized the teaching of non-existence and annihilation. Mr. Chen of Xin'an said that Laozi speaks of non-existence while Buddhism speaks of annihilation. What do you make of this?"

The reply: Non-existence and annihilation carry two meanings—provisional and ultimate. Provisionally speaking, non-existence and annihilation are words of emptiness and illusion. Ordinary people cling to existence, the Lesser Vehicle clings to emptiness, and the Middle Vehicle clings to neither existence nor emptiness. The Great Vehicle teaches that things are empty in their very substance and do not fall into any category. Wonderful existence is not existence; true emptiness is not empty. Not establishing a single dust mote, yet not abandoning a single dharma. Across and against, forward and reverse—every dharma is wholly real. Therefore the Greatly Enlightened World-Honored One, to break ordinary people's clinging to existence, said: "This body is illusory; let the mind be stilled and extinguished." To break the Lesser Vehicle's clinging to emptiness, he rebuked them for sinking into the pit of liberation and urged them to seek transcendence. To break the Middle Vehicle's clinging to neither existence nor emptiness, he rebuked them for being stuck in illusory existence and urged them to seek the Great Vehicle. All these are skillful means of provisional guidance.

Ultimately speaking, non-existence and annihilation are the mother of all things. They give birth to heaven and earth, people and creatures, moving and still, flying and swimming—all the myriad dharmas. Buddhism says: "From the root of non-abiding, all dharmas are established," and even "not a single dharma can be grasped; then Dipankara Buddha will bestow upon me the prediction of enlightenment." Laozi says: "The Dao that can be spoken is not the constant Dao. The name that can be named is not the constant name. The nameless is the beginning of heaven and earth; the named is the mother of all things. Always without desire, one observes its mystery; always with desire, one observes its manifestations." Confucius says: "The Yi is without thought and without action. Still and unmoving, it responds and penetrates all things under heaven. Were it not the utmost spirit under heaven, who could attain this?" The Book of Rites says: "To act without action and let things be completed—this is the Way of Heaven." Zisi said: "The workings of Heaven above have neither sound nor scent." The intent of the sages of the three teachings is all true permanence, stillness, and cessation; true emptiness that is not empty. From the beginning there is not the slightest difference. The Buddha said: "When birth and death cease, stillness and cessation are bliss"—this is simply to empty out deluded feelings.

Now heaven, earth, people, creatures, and all things are but one energy contracting and expanding, with no gap between. Expanding becomes yang; contracting becomes yin. When yin reaches its extreme, yang arises; when yang reaches its extreme, yin arises. Stillness is the foundation of yin; movement is the substance of yang. When stillness reaches its extreme, movement arises; when movement reaches its extreme, stillness arises. Stillness is precisely non-existence and annihilation. When stillness reaches its extreme and movement arises, that is the birth of all things from within non-existence and annihilation.

Could it be that Zhu Xi, reading Buddhist texts, saw only the provisional words aimed at ordinary people? Could it be he did not recognize that non-existence and annihilation are the mother of all things? Could it be he did not recognize that the intent of the sages of the three teachings is all the principle of true emptiness and cessation? Could it be he deceived his own mind and deliberately twisted his words to mislead later students? That is why he criticized Buddhism and Daoism as teachings of non-existence and annihilation. His error regarding the great principle—how could it be small?

○佛法自永平十年而来。明主名賢。莫不推尚為大道之學至扵後世之下。晦菴惡之為虛無𡨜滅之教。且夫晦菴所惡。果當乎不當乎。晦菴識見。可逾東漢三囯之人物否乎。可逾晉宋齊梁陳。南北朝之人物否乎。可逾陏唐五代之人物否乎。可逾盛宋遼金之人物否乎。太誓曰。天視自我民視。天聴自我民聴。故孔子曰。吾從眾未聞從扵一己偏意也。偏意排佛者余不言其隘而未逹也。亦不言其知言而未知道也。亦不言其才而未徳也。亦不言其執滯而未圎也。亦不言其逢𫎇之行也。亦不言其私而未公也。惟提大意。發覺人心。請自裁度悟之而已[ㄙ/天]。曰。中也不敏。聞師之言。亦乃思過半矣。

The Dharma came to China in the tenth year of the Yongping era. Wise rulers and renowned scholars all praised it as the great teaching of the Way. But in later ages, Hui'an despised it as a doctrine of nothingness and extinction. Now, was Hui'an's contempt justified or not? Could Hui'an's understanding surpass that of the figures of the Eastern Han and the Three Kingdoms? Could it surpass the figures of the Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen dynasties, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties? Could it surpass the figures of the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties? Could it surpass the great figures of the flourishing Song, Liao, and Jin?

The Great One said: Heaven sees through the eyes of our people; Heaven hears through the ears of our people. Therefore Confucius said: I follow the many, not the biased opinion of one man. I will not say that those who out of bias reject the Buddha are narrow and have not understood. Nor will I say they know words but not the Way. Nor will I say they have talent but lack virtue. Nor will I say they are stuck and inflexible, unable to be complete. Nor will I say they act out of ignorance. Nor will I say they are selfish and not impartial. I will only point to the main idea and awaken people's hearts. Please judge and understand for yourselves.

He said: I am not clever, but hearing these words, I have already understood more than half.

○孔子作春秋。太史公作史記。班固作西漢書。范瞱作東漢書。陳壽作三國志。唐太宗作晉書。李延壽作南北史。魏徵作隋書。劉昫作唐書。司馬溫公。少微江公。皆作通鑑。鄭夹漈作通志。馬端臨作文獻通考。揭傒斯作宋史。李燾作宋鑑。曾子野作史畧。宋景𰝩作元史皆以天地之心為心。是曰是。非曰非。不存私意。諸君史筆如秉龍泉太阿。殺人活人無偏無黨。佛法大道也。可尚不可排。苟或可排。則太宗諸子已排之矣。奚待後世擅其己意者曲排之也。𠰥夫竊他人之徳為自己之功。欲張自己之功故掩他人之徳。此則逢𫎇亦所不忍為也。况孔子而至宋子肻為之乎。是故春秋以逮元史。亘古今窮萬世。敬之仰之。𠰥天地之高厚。日月之昭明。豈有剽𥨸之弊逢𫎇之行也。

Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals. Sima Qian wrote the Records of the Grand Historian. Ban Gu wrote the History of the Western Han. Fan Ye wrote the History of the Eastern Han. Chen Shou wrote the Records of the Three Kingdoms. Emperor Taizong of Tang wrote the Book of Jin. Li Yanshou wrote the History of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Wei Zheng wrote the Book of Sui. Liu Xu wrote the Book of Tang. Sima Guang and Jiang Gong both wrote the Comprehensive Mirror. Zheng Qiao wrote the Comprehensive Records. Ma Duanlin wrote the Comprehensive Examination of Documents. Jie Xisi wrote the History of Song. Li Tao wrote the Song Mirror. Zeng Ziyu wrote the Outline of History. Song Jinglian wrote the History of Yuan. All of them took the heart of heaven and earth as their own heart. What was right they called right; what was wrong they called wrong. They held no private bias. Your brush as historians should be like grasping the Longquan or Tai'a sword—killing or bringing to life, never biased, never partisan.

The Dharma is the great Path. It should be honored, not rejected. If it could be rejected, then Taizong and his sons would already have rejected it—why wait for later generations who act on their own whims to twist and reject it? As for stealing others' virtues as one's own merit, and wanting to display one's own merit while covering up others' virtues—even Feng Meng would not have the heart to do this. How much less would Confucius, or Master Song, be willing to do it? Therefore, from the Spring and Autumn Annals down to the History of Yuan, spanning ancient and modern times and all ages, we revere and look up to them as we do the height and depth of heaven and earth, the brightness of the sun and moon. How could there be the flaws of plagiarism and the conduct of Feng Meng?

○唐太宗䔍志尚佛迨無加矣。玄奘法師沒世之日。高宗𮨇左右曰。朕失囯寳矣。輟朝三日。𠰥謂二帝𭰖扵佛法。然則房玄齡杜如晦魏徵虞世南禇遂良李靖董常諸公何不力諫。盖為君聖臣賢。咸知佛法正大之道。其有𥙷扵政化。善利扵人所以同遵尚也。凡造寺譯經所有記序。𠰥非御製。則係房杜魏虞諸公所作。其文章之謹嚴。敬佛之誠䔍。可謂至矣。玄宗肅宗代宗宣宗尚佛尤甚。代宗指南陽忠國師曰。國中無寳。此僧乃國寳也。宋朝太祖太宗真宗仁宗諸聖尚佛其尤甚焉。相國韓公琦。侍郎歐陽脩。張端眀。祕書𨵿彥長。章表民。貟外郎陳舜俞等。未讀佛書。未知敬佛。逮乎明教嵩禪師并鐔津集一出。無不[歛-(人*人)+(烈-列)]祍迭稱讃曰。不意僧中有此郎。非惟空宗通。亦乃文格高。良史之筆。大公之道也。諸公自此敬佛。後有好佛之甚者。禮曰。𨿽有嘉殽弗食不知其㫖。𨿽有至道弗學不知其善。是故學然後知不足。教然後知困。知不足然後䏻自反也。知困然後䏻自彊也。豈不其然乎。自晉已来。謝安石才徳之量。經綸之手。孰䏻加焉。王𦏁之識量高古。才思逸群。孰䏻加焉。陶淵眀性情之正。去住之高。孰䏻加焉。謝靈運風規瀟洒。文章之精。孰䏻加焉。崔公群相天下。而天下賢之。孰䏻加焉。衡陽龐蘊識見之高。道學之勝。孰䏻加焉。裴[晉-(一/(ㄙ*ㄙ))+(〦/(口*口))]公𣗳大勳業。著扵盛唐。孰䏻加焉。顏魯公具大節義。文章書法。孰䏻加焉。相國裴公休。文章之古。道學之至。孰䏻加焉。二蘇子。黃山谷。儒學之至。禪學之勝。孰䏻加焉。王荊公理學之精。文學之粹。孰䏻加焉。陳忠肅公。道學政事高識羙徳。孰䏻加焉。[ㄐ*大]元王日休博學智識。高眀正大。孰䏻加焉。未暇廣而論之。畧言此諸名賢。䔍志尚佛。天下孰不知之。此諸名賢。道徳眀敏。豈不逮扵後世排佛之人乎。盖為意誠心正。公而無私。重扵佛聖人之至道也。晦菴多註書。故後學敬之。矧不識其心病。故不擇其言。皆從其說也。

Emperor Taizong of Tang devoted himself deeply to Buddhism, and his reverence only grew over time. On the day the Dharma Master Xuanzang passed away, Emperor Gaozong turned to those around him and said, "I have lost the jewel of our nation." He suspended court for three days. If one were to say that these two emperors were merely mired in Buddhist practices, then why did such eminent ministers as Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wei Zheng, Yu Shinan, Chu Suiliang, Li Jing, and Dong Chang not strongly remonstrate against it? The truth is that with a sage ruler and worthy ministers, all recognized that the Dharma is the great and upright path. It supplements governance and moral transformation and benefits people, and so they all alike honored and upheld it. Whenever temples were built or scriptures translated, all the commemorative records and prefaces—if not composed by the emperor himself—were written by such men as Fang, Du, and Wei. The precision of their writing and the sincerity of their reverence for the Buddha can be called unsurpassed. Emperors Xuanzong, Suzong, Daizong, and Xuanzong of Tang revered the Buddha even more deeply. Emperor Daizong pointed to the National Master Zhong of Nanyang and said, "There is no jewel in the realm—this monk is the jewel of the realm." During the Song dynasty, Emperors Taizu, Taizong, Zhenzong, and Renzong revered the Buddha with even greater devotion. The Chancellor Lord Han Qi, the Vice Minister Ouyang Xiu, Zhang Duanming, the Secretary Guan Yanchang, Zhang Biaomin, and the Bureau Director Chen Shunyu and others had not read Buddhist texts and did not understand reverence for the Buddha. But when the Chan Master Mingjiao Song and his Tanjin Collection appeared, they all without exception straightened their robes and repeatedly praised him, saying, "We never expected such a man among monks. Not only does he master the teachings of Emptiness, his literary style is also lofty." This is the brush of a true historian, the way of utmost fairness. From this, these gentlemen came to revere the Buddha. Later there were those who revered the Buddha even more deeply. The Book of Rites says: "Though there be fine delicacies, if one does not eat, one does not know their flavor. Though there be the highest path, if one does not learn it, one does not know its goodness." Therefore, through learning one comes to know one's insufficiency; through teaching one comes to know one's difficulties. Knowing insufficiency, one can then turn inward and examine oneself. Knowing difficulty, one can then strengthen oneself. Is this not so? Since the Jin dynasty, who could surpass Xie Anshi in the measure of his talent and virtue, or in his skill at statecraft? Who could surpass Wang Xizhi in the loftiness of his insight and the excellence of his talent? Who could surpass Tao Yuanming in the correctness of his character and the nobility of his conduct? Who could surpass Xie Lingyun in his free and unconstrained bearing and the refinement of his writing? Who could surpass Lord Cui Qun, who served as chancellor over the realm and was esteemed by all? Who could surpass Pang Yun of Hengyang in the loftiness of his insight and the profundity of his learning of the Way? Who could surpass Duke Pei Du in the great achievements he established in the flourishing Tang? Who could surpass Yan Lugong in his great integrity and his writing and calligraphy? Who could surpass Chancellor Pei Xiu in the antiquity of his writing and the depth of his learning of the Way? The two Fan sons and Huang Shangu—who could surpass them in the depth of their Confucian learning and the profundity of their Chan study? Who could surpass Wang Jinggong in the refinement of his philosophical learning and the purity of his literature? Who could surpass Lord Chen Zhongsu in his learning of the Way, his administrative achievements, his lofty insight, and his fine virtue? Who could surpass Wang Ri of the Yuan dynasty in broad learning, wisdom, and clear, upright greatness? There is no time to discuss them all at length. To speak briefly of these notable worthies: their deep devotion to Buddhism—who in the world does not know of it? These notable worthies were enlightened and keen in moral understanding—could they possibly have been inferior to those of later ages who reject Buddhism? The truth is that their intentions were sincere, their minds upright, impartial, and without selfishness, and they valued the supreme path of the Buddha, the sage. Hui'an wrote many commentaries, and so later students respected him. Moreover, failing to recognize his mental affliction, they did not scrutinize his words but all followed his errors.

○曰。六經孔孟等書。論道論仁𠁅。論心論性𠁅晦菴所註契扵聖賢之心否。曰。曲排佛法之言。輙為辯眀一二而已。自餘未暇論之。况各家註書。各據所見。仁者見之謂之仁。智者見之謂之智。後人或宗扵此。或宗扵彼。各因氣運變化。随人氣量之所取也。寧用問焉。且如臯陶賡歌扵前。孔子刪詩扵後。變為騷。變為選。變為律。與夫歌謠吟頌等體。漢魏尚高古。晋宋尚雅淡。唐人尚音律。宋人尚性理。此亦氣運之變化也。毛詩三百篇。多有窮夫窮婦之所作。其言簡理僃。後世敻不可及。彼窮夫窮婦。豈因二十年讀書學力之所至乎。盖為氣運生而然之也。元人謂宗扵唐詩。非扵宋詩。豈宋詩果不逮扵唐乎。豈元詩果䏻逾扵宋乎。在人好之惡之而已。李杜長扵意唐音重音律。有愛李杜者。愛唐音者。愛平淡者。愛竒倔者。嗚呼。孰為是乎。孰為非乎。人之氣量不同。爾苟執扵小節。失扵國風雅頌之淳。溫柔敦厚之實。或迷扵雕巧麗辭。而外乎情性之正。如是言詩。言之奚益。書曰。詩言志。心之所之既失其正。形之扵言安得其正焉。故學不可不求其正也。道不可不求其大也。曰。余問註書。師何以引而不發。而言作詩。二者皆隱然而未詳何也。曰。詳僃言之則露筋骨。選詩補註。劉坦之謂李太白詩狂簡不逮杜公。坦之惟識杜公之學未識李公之學。李公已到化而神妙之地。其辭章富麗。竒偉奔騰澎湃者。才力自然。所謂國清才子貴。家富產兒嬌。豈工于造作雕琢闘飣而然耶。區區後學。安可窺測其涯[涘-矢+天]哉。嗚呼。以己之未至。妄譭先逹之所長得罪扵天地乎。此臆說之咎也。余知此咎是故隱然。

Someone asked: "In the teachings of the Six Classics, Confucius, and Mencius—where they discuss the Way, benevolence, mind, and nature—does Zhu Xi's commentary truly accord with the hearts of the sages? Why do you not address this?"

The Master replied: "Those who twist words to attack the Dharma—I simply clarify a point or two in reply. Beyond that, I have no time to discuss it all. Moreover, when scholars of various schools annotate texts, each sees according to their own understanding. The benevolent see it and call it benevolence; the wise see it and call it wisdom. Later generations may follow one interpretation or another, each according to the shifts of their era and the capacity of their own minds. Why bother asking?

"Consider how Gao Yao sang verses in ancient times, and later Confucius compiled the Book of Songs. These evolved into the Sao style, then into the selection style, then into regulated verse, along with ballads, songs, and hymns. The Han and Wei dynasties prized loftiness and antiquity; the Jin and Song dynasties prized elegance and simplicity; the Tang prized tonal harmony; the Song prized philosophical insight. This too is the changing of the ages.

"Of the three hundred poems in the Book of Songs, many were composed by poor men and poor women. Their words are simple yet their meaning complete—later ages could never match them. Could those poor men and women have reached such depth through twenty years of study and effort? No—it arose naturally from the spirit of their time.

"People of the Yuan dynasty claimed to follow Tang poetry rather than Song poetry. But was Song poetry truly inferior to Tang? Was Yuan poetry truly superior to Song? It all comes down to individual preference. Li Bai and Du Fu excelled in meaning; Tang verse emphasized tonal rules. Some love Li and Du; some love Tang tones; some love the plain and simple; some love the strange and bold. Alas—who is right? Who is wrong?

"People's capacities differ. If you cling to minor details and lose the purity of the national airs and ceremonial odes, the substance of gentleness and sincerity—or if you are misled by ornate cleverness and depart from the correctness of true feeling—then what good does it do to speak of poetry? The Book of Documents says: 'Poetry expresses the will.' If what the mind aims at has already lost its correctness, how can what takes shape in words be correct? Therefore, in learning one must seek what is correct. In the Way one must seek what is great."

The questioner said: "I asked about annotating texts—why does the Master hold back and speak instead about writing poetry? Both leave me unclear."

The Master replied: "If I were to speak in full detail, I would expose the bones and sinews of the matter. In the Selected Poems with Supplementary Commentary, Liu Tanzhi said that Li Bai's poetry was wild and simplistic and fell short of Duke Du. Tanzhi knew only Duke Du's learning but did not understand Duke Li's. Duke Li had already arrived at the ground of transformation and spiritual wonder. His richness and splendor, his towering and surging power—these came naturally from his talent. As the saying goes, 'When the son is talented, the family is honored; when the household is wealthy, the children are spoiled.' How could this be achieved through deliberate crafting, carving, and patchwork display? How could petty later students possibly fathom his limits?

"Alas—to use one's own shortcomings to recklessly slander the strengths of the venerable—does that not offend Heaven and Earth? This is the fault of presumptuous speculation. I know this fault, and therefore I hold back."

○晦菴既惡虛無𡨜滅。又言死者形既朽滅。神亦飄散。𨿽有剉燒㫪磨。且無所施。此則虚無𡨜滅至扵空蕩無㱕矣。且如有人臥扵[式-工+正]林。夢居金陵。與彼親友同席飲食。是時惟知有此飲食之身。不知亦有幻身臥扵[式-工+正]林也。夢飲食者神識也。亦名精[ㄊ/田/儿]也。凡人思善思惡生死不絕者。即此神識也。死者受苦。剉燒㫪磨。即此神識也。是時惟知有此受苦之身。不知亦有幻身死扵人間也。如彼夢飲食者不知亦有幻身臥扵武林也。當知幻身猶房屋也。神識猶屋中之人也。人既出之不𮨇房屋。神識既出不𮨇幻身。晦菴所謂形既朽滅。神亦飄散。𨿽有剉燒㫪磨且無所施。是則惟見幻身生滅。不知神識不消滅也。是猶惟知房屋傾頹。不知屋中之人先出屋外渾無損也。此不消滅之神識。随業受報。出殻入殻。或苦或樂也。不知之者神識奔蕩。茫然無㱕。神識尚爾。况欲眀佛性乎。非惟不契佛經。抑亦深悖書經之㫖。金縢曰。武王有疾。周公為三壇告太王王季文王曰。惟爾元孫某。遘厲虐疾。𠰥爾三王是有丕子之責于天。以旦代某之身。子仁𠰥考䏻多才多藝。䏻事鬼神。𠰥據晦菴所謂𨿽有剉燒㫪磨且無所施。則周公代武王之死。形亦朽滅。神亦飄散。𨿽有多才多藝。亦無所存。將何以事鬼神乎。三王亦將何以受周公之告乎。禮記孔子曰。人死曰鬼。此五代之所不變也。𠰥謂形既朽滅神亦飄散。將何以為鬼乎。𠰥以晦菴之言為是也。則周公孔子之言為非。𠰥以周公孔子之言為是也。則晦菴之言為非。周公孔子聖人也。晦菴文公也。汝宜黜私意正神眀。以理推之為何如哉。克平避席而言曰。晦菴已沒二百餘年矣。未𡮢有人針此膏肓之病。吾知先徳不言者有待吾師發眀其蘊也。中也聞此幸莫大焉。再拜而後已。

○曰史書通鑑師既論之[ㄙ/天]。歐陽脩唐書五代史。何不言之。曰歐陽永[、廾、、、、]為史之時。未見眀教嵩禪師。是以書史亦無敬佛之意。及見嵩師之後始有敬佛之心。故䟦韓子別傳曰。余官瑯瑘有以退之別傳相示者。反覆論誦。乃知大顛盖非常人。余患浮圖氏之盛而嘉退之之說。及觀大顛之言乃知子厚不為過也。此時歐之書史已行扵世矣。故不言也。曰陳子經宋鑑何不言之。曰宋朝一十六主。合三百十七年之有天下。聖聖尚佛。身為帝王。心為佛祖。傾誠至矣。或時敬老子者暫爾而已。惟徽宗信扵林靈素之言。後從老子。子經不收宋主尚佛。惟收尚老。爭柰揭氏宋史李氏宋鑑。曾氏史畧。皆收宋主尚佛。行在天下孰䏻掩之。劉向序戰國筞曰。史氏之法。具記一時之事辭。善𢙣必書初無所决擇。劉向可謂知春秋之意焉。夫執筆者當以天心為心。庶不悖扵天理。不誤扵後學。烏可以靠一人半人之心為心。而失天地無私之理耶。嗚呼。佛之道何如哉。老之道何如哉。余扵尚理編稍亦言之矣。其有明理者自識大道之深淺。余不復言也。晦菴排抵佛老。筆扵書中其来二百餘年矣。阻人多少善心了也。阻人多少隂徳了也。日後天地氣数翻變其說亦未可知。姜漸序其鑑曰。子𦀇取法乎晦菴綱目。嗚呼。既宗晦菴只合以佛老同一致也。胡為抑佛而揚老乎。此又晦菴之罪人也。日後或有公而無私考𢙣其偏見。鳴鼓而攻之亦未可知也。是故不可置其扵直心君子之列也。曰卯石南著書何如。曰長邑伯者。區區好事人耳。石南藉邑伯之威。而行文藝故屈節稱為邑伯之徒。以此為立身之計也。凡操文筆。依傍晦菴之意。初無超出晦菴之意。所著之書依傍陳子𦀇宋鑑之意。亦無超出子𦀇之意。故亦不收人主尚佛也。噫子之所問姑置之。吾亦有所問焉。曰師之所問輙願聞焉。曰水母以鰕為目。凡得鰕輙行之。言其行也𨿽旦至暮。不逾一里之遙。或失鰕則茫然罔措。[鯔-田+貝]鮚以蟹為足凡𠋣蟹輙行之。言其行也𨿽旦至暮不逾三里之遙。或失蟹則茫然罔措。二者所得目足之樂有以異乎。無以異乎。曰無以異也。曰子亦可謂知言矣。

○曰。韓子上佛骨表。作原道排抵佛老。是故推其有功扵吾儒。師謂不可排佛似不侔矣。曰。韓子文章雄健。以之為功。排佛何足推為功也。此時尚書孟蕳于頔李翱等。豈為無才徳而不䏻排佛乎。盖為識法者愳故不為也。吾佛之道無權勢。惟以脩道尚徳為任。其感格天地帝王名公賢宰所推尚者。天道自然。豈求之而得也。既不執權勢。凡欲排者任彼排之。况佛法之權在乎帝王臣宰之手。欲抑之欲扶之。猶握拳展掌而已。豈為難乎。此時韓子為刑部侍郎。而亞卿之權不亦重矣。排此無權無敵之道豈為難乎。周公輔成王而王天下可謂難矣可謂功矣。管仲相桓公一匡天下。可謂難矣。可謂功矣。毛遂一出力拒楚王之威。遂令楚王與平原君歃血堅𰤾。定其利害。合楚魏之兵。以平強秦之戰。致使趙國重扵九鼎大吕。可謂難矣。可謂功矣。藺相如㱕璧扵秦。力命秦王擊𦈢以配趙王之瑟。二者𣅜以盡忠為心。不𮨇自身有逆龍[鱗-(烈-列)+大]。奪虎食之[險-(人*人)+(烈-列)]。可謂難矣。可謂功矣。魯仲連寸刃不施。一言之下卻退秦兵。以息伐趙之患。可謂難矣可謂功矣。文中子進筞扵隋不䏻用。捲而東㱕。續詩書正禮樂。脩元𦀇[譖-日+貝]易道。九年而六𦀇大[就-口+日]。中說十卷脫類論語。其智識也明。其𠁅心也正。其進退也宜。其門人也𣅜有王佐之才。夫如是可謂難矣。可謂功矣。房玄齡佐輔唐太宗定天下不矜其功。而善㱕人主。可謂難矣可謂功矣。魏徵危言危行諫爭。太宗或有未思之誤𬻻而定之。可謂難矣可謂功矣。排佛誰不䏻之。牧兒竈婦𣅜䏻排佛。何必謂之功也。既謂韓子排佛有功。汝亦何不效而排之。苟排之吾亦無阻。晦菴排佛筆扵書中亦無阻者。晦菴排佛之計有受惑者有不受惑者。李屏山。而至徐大章等。是不受惑者。嗚呼。吾佛之道繫乎天地。豈属世人之凡情乎。曰。師謂不可排佛。又言凡欲排者任彼排之。自相矛盾耶。曰。言不可排者公論也。排則悖扵天地之心損乎隂徳。余特憫而救之也。或不受救一任排之。余無阻也。

○韓子為負英俊太過。不復三思勇心排佛。及見大顛勇心自息。然後𭰹味禪學。前之排佛盖是不知而誤為也。後人以禪學性理著書立言。然後反行排佛。此是知而故為也。冥冥之中各有前程之定理。韓子上佛骨表。憲宗皇帝大怒将以抵死。裴度崔群等上言哀請乃貶潮州聞郡之靈山寺大顛禪師道徳名重。三以書請。其一曰韓愈啟。孟夏漸[烈-列+(圭*丸)]。惟道體安和。愈弊劣無謂坐事貶官到此。盛聞道徳切思見顏。昨到来未獲㕘謁。已帖縣具人船奉迎。日夕佇瞻。四月七日。愈上大顛禪師。其二曰愈啟。海上窮𠁅無與語者。側承道高思獲披接專特有此咨屈。此旬晴明不甚[烈-列+(圭*丸)]。倘䏻乗閑一至實為幸也。六月初三日。愈白大顛禪師。其三曰愈啟。慧勻至辱荅問珍悚無已。所示廣大深逈。非造次可量。傳曰書不𥁞言。言不𥁞意。然則聖人之意其終不可得而見耶。如此而論。讀来一百遍不如覿面對之。愈聞道無凝滯。行無繫縛。苟無所戀着。則山林閑𡨜。與城隍無異。大顛師論甚宏愽。而必守山林不至州郭。自激脩行獨立空曠無累之地者。非通道也。勞扵一来安于所適道故如是不宣。愈頓首大顛禪師。七月十五日(出舊本韓文。有註云。大宋重刊韓文。欲去此二通書。謀决扵歐陽文忠公。公曰不可去。故存之。○晦菴校韓文亦存之不去。已後重畨晦菴所校之板。則去之不存矣。𥟵古畧亦收之)大顛至郡。留數日。談論廓逹。深有契懷。次日言及上表謂佛為夷狄之教等事。大顛荅之其畧曰吾聞善𮗚人者𮗚其道之所存。而不較其所居之地。桀紂之君。跖蹻之臣皆生中國。然不可法者以其無道也。舜生扵東夷。文王生扵西夷。由余生扵戎。季札出扵蠻。彼二聖二賢者豈可謂之夷狄而不法乎。子不𮗚佛之道。而[彳*(土/(之-、))]以為夷狄。何言之陋也。子必以為上古未有佛而不法耶。則孔子孟軻生扵衰周。蚩尤瞽叟生扵上古。豈可捨衰周之聖賢。而法上古之凶頑哉。子以二帝三王之代。未有佛而長壽也。則外丙二年。仲壬四年。何其夭耶。子以漢陳之間有佛法而人主夭且亂。則漢眀為一代之英主。梁武壽至八十有六。豈必皆夭且亂耶。子謂儒有言仁義忠信。而不知佛之言常樂我淨無以異也。子既未讀佛書。安知不談先王之法言耶。昔者舜犬吠堯。非愛舜而惡堯也。以所常見者唯舜。而未𡮢見堯也。今子常以孔子為學。而未𡮢讀佛之書。遂[彳*(前-刖+(之-、))]而恠之。是舜犬之說也。佛之與人子言必依扵孝。與人臣言必依扵忠。此眾人所共守之言也。子今自恃通四海異方之學。而文章旁礴。孰如姚秦三蔵羅什法師乎。子之知来蔵往。孰如晉之佛圖澄法師乎。子之𥁞萬物不動其心。孰如梁之寳公和尚乎。韓子默然良久曰。不如也。大顛曰。子之才既不如彼矣。彼之[彳*(前-刖+(之-、))]事者佛也。而子反以為非然則豈有高才而不知子之所知者耶。韓子悔過。自此敬佛。深好禪學。其荅孟蕳尚書書曰。来示云有人傳愈近奉𥼶氏。此傳之者甚也。潮州有一老僧。號大顛。頗聦眀。識道理。遠地無可與語者。故自山召至州郭。留十数日。實䏻外形骸以理自勝。不為事物侵亂與之語。𨿽不𥁞觧。要自胷中無滯礙以為難得。因與往来。及祭神至海上。遂造其[廬-虍+雨]。及来袁州留衣服為別。乃人之情。非求福田利益也(出韓文舊板今板皆有之)韓子哭女詩并序曰。去嵗自刑部侍郎。以罪貶潮州。小女道死。𣩵之層峯驛旁山下。蒙㤙還。過其墓。留題驛梁云。数條藤束木皮棺。草殯𫟎山白骨寒。驚恐入心身已病。扶舁沿路眾知難。遶墳不暇號三匝。設祭惟聞飯一盤。致汝無辜由我罪。百年慚痛淚闌干(出韓文舊板今板皆有之)韓子自上表至見大顛。講談問禪。始末詳𬾨扵韓子別傳舊板。韓文陳休齋文集。晁氏筆記。[米*(白-日+睪)]氏通鑑。佛法編年。佛祖通載。𥟵古畧。傳燈統要等書。今輙引其畧耳。

○祥符常禪師曰。𡮢嘅資治通鑑。稱貞觀中有僧自西域来。善呪術。䏻令人立死。復呪之令蘇。太宗擇飛騎中[收-ㄆ+土]者試之皆驗。因以問傅奕。奕曰。此邪術也。臣聞邪不千正。請使呪臣必不䏻行。帝命僧呪奕。奕初無所覺。湏臾僧忽僵仆。𠰥為物所擊。遂不復蘇。此必好事者曲為之辭。何則𠰥使果有是。則僧非真僧。呪非真呪。正謂邪術耳。固不足以彰吾教之疵也。而况断無此理。向使彼自西域遠至長安。厥術䏻死人而復蘇。乃不暇自䏻衛其身。對常人無故而僵死。𨿽兒童莫之信也。又當是時京城有大徳僧。恵乗。玄[琬-(厄-厂)+匕]。法琳。眀[贍-言+(工/口)]諸公。其肻坐視偽僧破壞教門不請峻治。乃留帝命傅奕辨耶。佛制或律。𨿽春蹊生草。猶不許比丘踐之。恐害其生也。况肻說断人命呪傳扵世乎。故子謂好事者曲為之辭。断可見矣(出佛祖通載)余謂常禪師言之當矣。太宗眀君也。豈不識破彼邪術乎。况貞觀之初。有道徳高僧杜順和尚等十餘人續有三蔵法師玄奘。清鿌國師澄觀。南山律師道宣等。常居輦下。太宗朝夕聚話論道無虛日。諸師明通五眼。學貫九𣴑。檐荷佛法重任者也。何不破除邪術而容其馳玩乎。傅奕者隋時為黃冠。至唐高祖武徳八年乙酉。[彳*(前-刖+(之-、))]𢈔儉薦為太史丞。後陞太史令。奕上[跳-兆+((梳-木)-、)]排佛。前後七次。帝𣅜不報。丞相蕭瑀廷斥之曰。佛聖人也。奕為此議非聖人者無法請寘嚴刑。奕乃力爭。瑀曰地獄正為此人設也。(出舊唐史)是時法師法琳。作破邪論。明槩作訣對八條。恵乗作辯正論。秦王門下典儀李師政作內徳論。迭加進之。𣅜引大理證奕之非。高祖大恱。於是奕[跳-兆+((梳-木)-、)]寢息。貞觀二年戊子。太宗謂奕曰。佛道微妙汝獨不悟。其理何也。奕曰。佛是西方夷狄耳。帝惡其言不荅。自是終身不齒奕。扵貞𮗚十二年庚子秋卒。暴而死。𠰥謂邪不干正。則傅奕不識佛聖人之大道。是不明也。叛老子之教。擅己私。曲排佛法是無徳也。夫如是安得為正人乎。此事了然可見好事者粧點瑕疵也。春秋十二公。合國之優劣。孔子不加增[打-丁+負]。惟扵片言隻字之間抑揚而已。此握史筆之天理也。惜乎溫公不加詳審。[車*(耳*ㄑ)]聴訛傳。茟扵文籍。後世[檢-(人*人)+(烈-列)]點理不可逃也。孔子曰。堯舜其猶病諸。而况溫公安得無失。晦菴乗此機。便指而言之。茟扵文公家禮喪禮篇中。致令後人不識真偽者。益滋扵輕薄。凡欺心即欺人。欺人即欺天。安忍為之也。君子百行所進。殊途同歸。胡為汲汲然以排佛為事乎。嗚呼。佛法之大。包羅法界。佛法之固。重扵湏彌。割亦無傷。撼亦無動。彼排之者[彳*(土/(之-、))]自貽後悔扵𡨋冥之中。千佛出世之後亦莫䏻觧𥼶此結也。非惟害己。亦累祖宗悲哉。

○曰宋人謂雷擊者隂陽相激。偶尓觸死非特然也。此說何如。曰驚蟄之後二隂在上。四陽在下。芒種之後五陽在上。一隂在下。既隂陽相激。雷雨交作。則合時時相激。雷雨不停。何故晴雨間然耶。當知二氣交運如轆[轤-(├/七)+王]之輪互為上下。𠰥相激則安䏻發育萬物乎。日月星辰風雲雷雨𣅜天地體用。各有天神主之。應時不𫻪。故有祭天饗地之理。風雨均調。蒼生善業所感。不調時惡業所感。非上天無慈心也。言雷擊者。永樂二十二年。台州天封寺維那士弘。為雷打死。頃焉復甦之。自言死去見諸天神教試曰。汝先世為廵儉。曲罪一夫。枉罹極刑。汝䏻奉佛故未償其命。後世為住持僧。将常住銅錢潜埋三窖。死後遂湮沒之。二世罪故今誅。惟今世奉觀音大士至誠姑存之。後至宣徳二年溺水而死。浙右有人印造佛天三界紙馬。開張店業。店屋楣間平鋪閣板作臥室扵閣上。一夜觸翻尿器。淋漓污馬。仍将此馬晒乾賣之。本年[彳*(前-刖+(之-、))]店中提出此人雷打死扵門前。又一貧家夫婦二人。有絕粮忍餓之患。夫携一鵞入市鬻之。得米二斗。飢苦迫甚。以一升沽酒飲之。囬至中途醉臥扵地。𬒳人𥨸去其米。及醒慞惶㱕家。妻知之不勝哀苦。夫乃投水而死。妻曰夫既死矣。我何存之。亦投水而死。眀日天雷打死一男子。擲置扵二屍之旁。書其背云𥨸其米者此人也。松江有人為雷打死。書其背云。十年前與一婦人入寺登[土*(前-刖+合)]第二層行[婬-壬+(工/山)]故誅。湖州一女子。雨中見諸官吏至門前。惟二人入其家。如世所畫天兵之状。擒女之兄雷打死扵門前。始知官吏是天神也。亦有雷打死者家人以屍着衣。眀日復雷剥去其衣。亦有以屍置扵棺中。眀日復雷揭去棺盖。如是顯[驗-(人*人)+(烈-列)]每年有之。不復多引。此数端目擊耳聞者。恐辱其家人故不言其姓名。夫是為天誅也。亦有蜈蚣𤜶狸蛇鼠精恠木與器物附托為妖者。雷必打之。豈是隂陽相激偶爾觸死乎。易曰震来虩虩。象曰洊雷震。君子以恐懼修省。盖言畏天譴故修省補過也。宋人教人不信雷誅。深悖易𦀇。不懼天地。未進其善。先喪其徳。惜乎後人不肻展開大見識照眀事法之理。惟拘拘然死扵宋人之言。故不䏻通逹也。